7 resultados para Communion

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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A Revival in a Village and its Households. The Village of Oravisalo in Rääkkylä Parish and the Renqvistist Revivalism in the 1820s. My purpose is to apply the science of religion and the study of past communities to the study of religious revivalism. Revivalism will be considered a religious phenomenon as well as a cultural and social phenomenon. What makes this study unique is the possibility to reconstruct a list of participating revivalists based on entries in the communion book of the time. The conflict between the revivalists and the chaplain of Rääkkylä also generated other documentary material. The community in Oravisalo was relatively stratified. People lived in complex and varying forms of households. They also had plentiful contacts both with unrelated inhabitants of Oravisalo and with the neighbouring villages. Through these contacts the inhabitants of Oravisalo were introduced to revivalism. In Oravisalo, the revival for the most part fell into a certain social stratum and did not severely damage existing relationships within families or among acquaintances. The revivalists formed a new community within the village but the community was neither very tightly-knit nor was it closed. The revival was an individual phenomenon affected by general factors. First, there were factors that brought about a quest for an applicable system of meanings. These factors included at least three important issues: the Great Partition of land, the crisis of slash-and-burn cultivation, and a population growth that increased the proportion of the landless in the village. As a result, many of the revivalists had low status and poor expectations for the future. Second, there were factors that appealed to the people in the message and character of the preacher, Henrik Renqvist. Third, the proximity of the village to Liperi, where the revival got its start, was crucial to revivalism s spread to Oravisalo. Culturally, the revival meant a change in the system of symbols or meanings, so it was not solely a matter of intensified religious fervour. For instance, Communion, prayer, reading, and perhaps baptism symbolised different things to the revivalists than to other villagers. However, the revivalists do not seem to have started any moral revolution in their village. The religious aspect defined the limits of the protest and the resistance towards authorities. The revivalists wanted only to have the right to follow their conscience. The freedom granted the female members was limited to the religious sphere. No social or economic claims were made. The revival altered the situation of its members only on a symbolic level, yet it also offered them status within their own group.

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The four studies presented in this dissertation were designed to examine the influence of socially desirable responding (SDR) on personality research outcomes. The assessment of personality relies heavily on the use of self-report questionnaires. Their validity could be threatened by people being dishonest in their self-descriptions and ascribing more desirable traits to themselves than would be warranted by their behaviour. Scales designed to detect SDR have been around for half a century, but their status continues to be debated. Paulhus (1991) Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding (BIDR) is perhaps the most prominent of the scales developed to distinguish between those individuals who have distorted their responses and those who have not. The first two studies included in this dissertation mostly deal with the properties of the BIDR. The other two studies are less focused on SDR scales and investigate, more generally, the potential effects of SDR on two phenomena that are of central interest to the general personality discourse personality stability over time and volunteering as participants in psychological research. The data of Studies I and II showed that Paulhus BIDR scales, designed to be indicators of SDR, are not pure measures both the communion management and self-deceptive enhancement scales are, at once, measures of response bias and measures of more substantive individual differences in behaviour. The data further suggested that the communion management and self-deceptive enhancement scales of the BIDR are somewhat accurate measures of communal and agentic bias, respectively. No evidence for a suppressor model of SDR, and only weak evidence for a moderator model, was found in those studies. Concerning research on personality stability, some data in Study I suggested that SDR may add reliable and common variance to a personality questionnaire administered at two different points in time, thus artificially inflating the test-retest correlation of that questionnaire. Furthermore, Study III demonstrated that the maturity-stability hypothesis may be in part, but not entirely, a product of SDR. Study IV suggested that some of the observed personality differences between research volunteers and nonvolunteers may be due to heightened SDR of volunteers. However, those personality differences were by no means exclusively attributable to differences in SDR. In sum, the work presented in this thesis reveals some ambiguity regarding the effects of SDR on personality research, as is true of much of the previous research on SDR. Clear-cut conclusions are difficult to reach, as the data were neither fully consistent with the view that SDR can be ignored, nor with the view that SDR needs to be controlled in some way. The struggle to understand the influence of SDR on personality research continues.

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The Population Register – run by the Church or the state? The problem posed by the obligation to belong to a religious community in the registration of births and deaths in Finland between 1839 and 1904 The Lutheran Church of Finland is the nation’s largest church; approximately 82 per cent of Finns were members in 2007. The Church ran an official register of its members until 1999, when the state then undertook this task. The registration of births and deaths by the Church has a long history dating back to the 17th century, when Bishop Johannes Gezelius Sr. decreed that all parish members would have to be recorded in parish registers. These registers were used to control how well parish members knew the Christian doctrine and, gradually, also if they were literate. Additionally, the Church attempted to ensure by means of the parish registers that parish members went to Holy Communion annually. Since everyone was a member of the Lutheran Church, the state also took advantage of the parish registers and used them for the purposes of tax collection and conscription. The main research theme of “The Population Register – run by the Church or the state?” goes back to these times. The actual research period covers the years of 1839–1904. At that time Finland was under Russian rule, although autonomous. In the late 19th century the press and different associations in Finland began to engage in public debate, and the country started moving from a submissive society to a civic one. The identity of the Lutheran Church also became more prominent when the Church Act and the General Synod were realised in 1869. A few years earlier, municipal and parish administrations had been separated, but the general registration of births and deaths was left to the Church to see to. In compliance with the constitution of the country, all the inhabitants in principle still had to be Lutheran. In practice, the situation was different. The religious and ideological realms diversified, and the Lutheran concept of religion was no longer acceptable to everyone. The conflict was reflected in the registration of births and deaths, which was linked to the Lutheran Church and its parish registers. Nobody was allowed to leave the Church, there was no civil register, and the Lutheran Church did not consent to record unbaptized children in the parish registers. Therefore such children were left without civil rights. Thus the obligation to belong to a religious community had become a problem in the registration of births and deaths. The Lutheran clergy also appealed to the 1723 privileges, according to which they had been exempted from the drawing up of additional population registers. In 1889 Finland passed the Dissenters Act. By virtue of this act the Baptists and the Methodists left the state Church, but this was not the case with the members of the free churches. The freethinkers had to retain their church membership, as the law did not apply to them. This meant that the unbaptized children of the members of the free churches or those of freethinkers were still not entered in any registers. The children were not able to go to school, work for the state or legally marry. Neither were they able to inherit property, as they did not legally exist. The system of parish registers was created when everyone was required to be a member of the Lutheran Church, but it did not work when liberal attitudes eventually penetrated the sphere of religion, too. The government´s measures to solve the problem were slow and cautious, partly because Finland was part of Russia, partly because there were only about 100 unbaptized children. As the problem group was small and the state´s resources were limited, no general civil register was established. The state accepted the fact that in spite of the problems, the Evangelical Lutheran Church and the congregations of dissenters were the only official establishments to run populations registers in the country, and for social purposes, too. In 1900 the Diet of Finland finally approved a limited civil register, which unbaptized children and unregistered foreigners would be recorded in. Due to political reasons the civil register did not come into existence until 1917, after the actual research period.

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The purpose of this study is to analyse the development and understanding of the idea of consensus in bilateral dialogues among Anglicans, Lutherans and Roman Catholics. The source material consists of representative dialogue documents from the international, regional and national dialogues from the 1960s until 2006. In general, the dialogue documents argue for agreement/consensus based on commonality or compatibility. Each of the three dialogue processes has specific characteristics and formulates its argument in a unique way. The Lutheran-Roman Catholic dialogue has a particular interest in hermeneutical questions. In the early phases, the documents endeavoured to describe the interpretative principles that would allow the churches to together proclaim the Gospel and to identify the foundation on which the agreement in the church is based. This investigation ended up proposing a notion of basic consensus , which later developed into a form of consensus that seeks to embrace, not to dismiss differences (so-called differentiated consensus ). The Lutheran-Roman Catholic agreement is based on a perspectival understanding of doctrine. The Anglican-Roman Catholic dialogue emphasises the correctness of interpretations. The documents consciously look towards a common future , not the separated past. The dialogue s primary interpretative concept is koinonia. The texts develop a hermeneutics of authoritative teaching that has been described as the rule of communion . The Anglican-Lutheran dialogue is characterised by an instrumental understanding of doctrine. Doctrinal agreement is facilitated by the ideas of coherence, continuity and substantial emphasis in doctrine. The Anglican-Lutheran dialogue proposes a form of sufficient consensus that considers a wide set of doctrinal statements and liturgical practices to determine whether an agreement has been reached to the degree that, although not complete , is sufficient for concrete steps towards unity. Chapter V discusses the current challenges of consensus as an ecumenically viable concept. In this part, I argue that the acceptability of consensus as an ecumenical goal is based not only the understanding of the church but more importantly on the understanding of the nature and function of the doctrine. The understanding of doctrine has undergone significant changes during the time of the ecumenical dialogues. The major shift has been from a modern paradigm towards a postmodern paradigm. I conclude with proposals towards a way to construct a form of consensus that would survive philosophical criticism, would be theologically valid and ecumenically acceptable.

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Sangen ialo Rucous. The prayer book of the Schwenckfeldiens as a source for Michael Agricola The significance of the prayer book published by the Finnish reformer Michael Agricola in the year of 1544 has not been comprehended enough among the prayer literature of the Reformation century. Especially in foreign research literature one of the era s most extensive and versatile prayer books has been practically disregarded. According to the prayer book, Agricola appears to be a traditionalist, who derives most of his source material from medieval and old church prayer books. The low number of the prayers from Evangelical prayer books is noteworthy. The study in hand examines Agricola s theology expressed in his translation work of the prayer book of the mystic spiritualistic Schwenckfeldien movement. The prayer book of the Schwenckdeldiens diverged from Lutheranism was called Bekantnus der sünden and it was composed around the year of 1526. Agricola is the only prayer book collector who has regarded it as necessary to add all the 45 prayers of the Schwenckfeldien prayer book and its introduction to his book. In the prayers containing the Schwenckfeldien communion theology and Christology Agricola has not changed the content of the text, apparently because he was not aware of the problems involved in the Schwenckfeldien theology. On a few occasions Agricola added points of view concerning the church, priesthood, preaching the Word and sacraments to his prayers, which the Schwenckfeldiens despised. From the ten additions four Agricola created himself, the rest he borrowed from Wolfgang Capito s prayer book. As a source Agricola used Capito s Latin prayer book together with the German text from Bekantnus. When looking at the studied material, Agricola does not turn out to be a creative translator. Even though he had a model for a less restricted translation in Wolfgang Capito s prayer book, he sticks to his habit of translating word by word. Because not even a good example has had a liberating effect on his translation principles, Agricola cannot be considered a theologically orientated writer. The translation of the Schwenckfeldien prayers Agricola starts with Capito s prayer book. Very soon he takes the Bekantnus alongside Capito s text and abandons the use of Capito s prayer book in the middle of the translation process. Comparing Agricola s translation with the two texts in different languages has made it possible to create the disposition theory described above. On the basis of the disposition theory it can be concluded that Agricola first worked out a precise plan for his prayer book. Then he translated prayers theme by theme using multiple sources at the same time. Later Agricola fixed the disposition, which does not seem to have a direct paragon. From the prayers of the Schwenckfeldien prayer book Agricola translated 26 texts using the Bekantnus as an only base, from Capito s prayer book he translated four texts and 17 texts he translated using the two basic texts simultaneously. In the previous studies, words and texts added by Agricola have been examined as one problem unit. In this study the additions have been placed into three different categories: additions consequential on tautological parataxis, specifying additions and additions significant to the content. Due to Agricola s meticulous translation techniques, there are so few additions. Agricola does not show his own creativity even in the additions significant to the content but uses there some complete sentences or word fragments from the other prayers he has translated. In the translations of the prayers there are some unique appearing words and the analysis of the translation work shed a new light on the background of their first literary appearance in Finnish. Agricola s linguistic abilities turned out to be great. In those prayers where Agricola uses both the German and Latin basic texts at the same time, the translation process is a very intensive twine made on the basis of the two sources.

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Background: The onset of many chronic diseases such as type 2 diabetes can be delayed or prevented by changes in diet, physical activity and obesity. Known predictors of successful behaviour change include psychosocial factors such as selfefficacy, action and coping planning, and social support. However, gender and socioeconomic differences in these psychosocial mechanisms underlying health behaviour change have not been examined, despite well-documented sociodemographic differences in lifestyle-related mortality and morbidity. Additionally, although stable personality traits (such as dispositional optimism or pessimism and gender-role orientation: agency and communion) are related to health and health behaviour, to date they have rarely been studied in the context of health behaviour interventions. These personality traits might contribute to health behaviour change independently of the more modifiable domain-specific psychosocial factors, or indirectly through them, or moderated by them. The aims were to examine in an intervention setting: (1) whether changes (during the three-month intervention) in psychological determinants (self-efficacy beliefs, action planning and coping planning) predict changes in exercise and diet behaviours over three months and 12 months, (2) the universality assumption of behaviour change theories, i.e. whether preintervention levels and changes in psychosocial determinants are similar among genders and socioeconomic groups, and whether they predict changes in behaviour in a similar way in these groups, (3) whether the personality traits optimism, pessimism, agency and communion predict changes in abdominal obesity, and the nature of their interplay with modifiable and domain-specific psychosocial factors (self-efficacy and social support). Methods: Finnish men and women (N = 385) aged 50 65 years who were at an increased risk for type 2 diabetes were recruited from health care centres to participate in the GOod Ageing in Lahti Region (GOAL) Lifestyle Implementation Trial. The programme aimed to improve participants lifestyle (physical activity, eating) and decrease their overweight. The measurements of self-efficacy, planning, social support and dispositional optimism/pessimism were conducted pre-intervention at baseline (T1) and after the intensive phase of the intervention at three months (T2), and the measurements of exercise at T1, T2 and 12 months (T3) and healthy eating at T1 and T3. Waist circumference, an indicator of abdominal obesity, was measured at T1 and at oneyear (T3) and three-year (T4) follow-ups. Agency and communion were measured at T4 with the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ). Results: (1) Increases in self-efficacy and planning were associated with three-month increases in exercise (Study I). Moreover, both the post-intervention level and three-month increases (during the intervention) in self-efficacy in dealing with barriers predicted the 12-month increase in exercise, and a high postintervention level of coping plans predicted the 12-month decrease in dietary fat (Study II). One- and three-year waist circumference reductions were predicted by the initial three-month increase in self-efficacy (Studies III, IV). (2) Post-intervention at three months, women had formed more action plans for changing their exercise routines and received less social support for behaviour change than men had. The effects of adoption self-efficacy were similar but change in planning played a less significant role among men (Study I). Examining the effects of socioeconomic status (SES), psychosocial determinants at baseline and their changes during the intervention yielded largely similar results. Exercise barriers self-efficacy was enhanced slightly less among those with low SES. Psychosocial determinants predicted behaviour similarly across all SES groups (Study II). (3) Dispositional optimism and pessimism were unrelated to waist circumference change, directly or indirectly, and they did not influence changes in self-efficacy (Study III). Agency predicted 12-month waist circumference reduction among women. High communion coupled with high social support was associated with waist circumference reduction. However, the only significant predictor of three-year waist circumference reduction was an increase in health-related self-efficacy during the intervention (Study IV). Conclusions: Interventions should focus on improving participants self-efficacy early on in the intervention as well as prompting action and coping planning for health behaviour change. Such changes are likely to be similarly effective among intervention participants regardless of gender and educational level. Agentic orientation may operate via helping women to be less affected by the demands of the self-sacrificing female role and enabling them to assertively focus on their own goals. The earlier mixed results regarding the role of social support in behaviour change may be in part explained by personality traits such as communion.