12 resultados para Bush, George W.

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Tutkimuksen aihepiirinä on viimeaikaisen (1997-2004) Yhdysvaltain presidentti-instituution uskonnollinen retoriikka William J. Clintonin ja George W. Bushin virkakausina. Tutkimuksen tehtävä on selvittää, miten presidentti-instituutio hyödyntää uskonnollista retoriikkaa legimitaationa virallisissa poliittisissa linjanvetopuheissaan, kuten virkaanastujais- ja liittovaltion tila -puheissaan. Tutkimustehtävä jakautuu seuraaviin alakysymyksiin: 1) Millaisilla kansalaisuskonnollisilla käsityksillä ja keinoilla legimitaatiota yritetään tuottaa? 2) Ovatko kansalaisuskonnon keinot viimeaikaisten presidenttien keskeisintä työvälineistöä identifioinnissa ja erottautumisissa? 3) Ovatko kansalaisuskonnolliset teemat naturalisoituneet, luonnollistuneet? Tiivistetysti on tarkoitus tutkia viimeaikaisten presidenttien virallisista puheiden kautta, kuinka uskonto ja valtio liittyvät toisiinsa. Perusolettamukseni on, että presidentit hyödyntävät keskeisesti kansalaisuskonnollista retoriikkaa vakuuttaakseen yleisönsä ja politiikkansa. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu koostuu kahden Yhdysvaltain presidentin William J. Clintonin (1993-2001) ja George W. Bushin (2001-) presidenttien virallisista puheista, jotka on pidetty vuosina 1997-2004. Viralliset puheet ovat virkaanastujais- (Inaugural Address) ja vuosittaiset liittovaltion tila -puheet (Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union). Puheita on kymmenen ja niiden pituus on keskimäärin viisi sivua. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys tukeutuu kanadalaisen uskontososiologin Marcela Cristin uudenlaiselle käsitykselle (2001) kansalaisuskonnosta poliittisena uskontona. Tämä hyödyntää kansalaisuskonnon durkheimilaista taustaa yhdistäen Jean-Jacques Rousseuaun religion civile-teesiä. Cristin mukaan kansalaisuskonto manifestoituu kahdella tavalla: sekä durkheimilaisena kulttuurisena kansalaismuotona (civil) ja rousseualaisena ideologiana (political). Nämä eivät hänen mukaansa ole toisilleen vastakohtia, vaan yhden jatkumon osia. Tutkielman metodologinen lähestymistapa on uusretorinen analyysi ja teoreettis-medologisena viitekehyksenä on sosiaalinen konstruktivismi. Analyysin perusolettamus on, että presidentti-instituution luomassa merkityksen rakennetaan sosiaalisesta todellisuutta. Instituution retoriikka suuntautuu tiettyyn sosiaaliseen yhteisöön yrittäen legimitoida mahdollisimman laajaa joukkoa politiikkansa taakse. Analyysin tuloksena huomattiin, että presidentti-instituutio hyödyntää aktiivisesti kansalaisuskonnollisia teemoja. Molempien presidentti-instituutioiden uskonnollisessa nationalismissa hyödynnetään kansalaisuskonnollisuuden sekä protestanttis-puritaanista että valistuksellista taustaa. Kyse on oikeastaan siitä,kuinka nämä puolet saavat painotuksensa. Selvää on, että molemmat presidentit hyödyntävät kaikkia kansalaisuskonnollisuuden kolmea ulottuvuutta. Molemmilta löytyy retorinen tukeutuminen transsendenssiin, moraalistinen yhteisöllisyyden vaatimus. Clintonin uskonnollinen retoriikkaa jakaantuu kahteen ulkoisesti ristiriitaiseen käsitteelliseen linssiin: lupauksellisuus ja perustajallisuus. Ne yhdistyvät hänen nimittämisissään millenniaaliseksi yhteisöksi. Bushin uskonnollinen retoriikka tukeutuu transsendenttiseen ulottuvuuteen. Hänen käsitteelisiä linssejä ovat aktiivisen Jumalan monet roolit ja ajan siunauksellisuus. (Ks. luku 8. johtopäätökset ja jatkotutkimus.) Avainsanat: Yhdysvallat, presidentti-instituutio, kansalaisuskonto, uskonnollinen retoriikka, William J. Clinton, George W.Bush

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In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

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In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

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Tutkielman tarkoituksena on tarkastella sitä muutosta, jonka Yhdysvallat käy läpi suomalaisten sanomalehtien kommentoivissa teksteissä lähihistorian aikana. Tarkemmin ilmaistuna, tarkoituksena on ollut selvittää, näyttäytyykö Yhdysvallat suomalaisissa sanomalehtikommenteissa pelkästään maailmanpoliittisten muutosten ja presidenttien vaihdosten valossa vai onko mukana jonkin pidempi, historiallinen tematiikka, jolla Yhdysvalloista normaalisti kirjoitetaan ja jolla presidentin linjapuhetta kommentoidaan. Tutkimuksen näkökulmana ja samalla metodologisena viitekehyksenä on diskurssianalyysin ja sosiaalisen konstruktionismin näkökulma. Tarkoituksena on tarkastella kommentoivia tekstejä, ei pelkästään sosiaalisen todellisuuden tapahtumia raportoivina tai heijastavina, vaan myös sosiaalista todellisuutta rakentavina. Koska diskurssianalyysi ei itsessään ole selkeä tai yhtenäinen analyysimenetelmä, työssä on käytetty menetelmällisenä työkaluna kriittisen lingvistiikan analyysitapaa. Tutkimusaineistoa on analysoitu erityisesti Vesa Heikkisen (1999) ja Sari Pietikäisen (2000) analyysitapoja hyödyntäen. Tärkeimpinä teoreettisina taustaoletuksina edellisten tavoin myös tässä tutkielmassa ovat diskurssianalyysin eri suuntauksia edustavat lähteet kuten Faircloughn (1992, 1997, 2003) sekä van Dijkin (1985, 1999) ja Gunther Kressin (1985) näkemykset tästä lähestymistavasta. Koska tutkittava ilmiö kiinnittyy niin sanomalehtien pääkirjoitusten kuin poliittisen historiankin konteksteihin, on ilmiön taustoittamiseksi ja johtopäätösten tueksi nojattu myös esimerkiksi Salovaara-Moringin (2004, 2009), Rusin (2003), Jakobsonin (1998, 2005) ja Hemánuksen (1972, 1983) ajatuksiin. Tutkielman aineisto on rajattu viimeisten 25 vuoden ajalle siten, että on poimittu neljä maailmanpoliittisten muutosten tai Yhdysvaltain presidentin vaihdosten kannalta olennaista aikakautta. Samalla on noudatettu suurimmalta osalta myös sen kansainvälisen tutkimusprojektin rajauksia, jonka osana tämä tutkielma syntyi. Tutkimusaineistoa on siten kerätty vuosilta 1984, 1994, 2004 sekä 2010. Mukaan on kyseisiltä vuosilta otettu Yhdysvaltain presidentin pitämän linjapuheen pitopäivästä kaksi viikkoa eteenpäin kestävä periodi, jonka ajalta on kerätty neljän suomalaisen sanomalehden kommentoivat tekstit, pääkirjoitukset, kolumnit ja tausta-artikkelit, joissa otetaan kantaa Yhdysvaltain presidentin pitämään vuosittaiseen linjapuheeseen. Tutkimusaineiston valossa Yhdysvallat näyttäytyy suomalaisten sanomalehtikommentaattoreiden teksteissä toisaalta muuttuvana, mutta samalla myös muuttumattomana suurvaltana. Maailmanpoliittinen muutos – siirtymä kylmästä sodasta yhden suurvallan aikaan näkyy suomalaisessa kommentoinnissa. Samoin näyttäytyy selkeänä kahden erilaisen presidentin, George W. Bushin ja Barack Obaman vastaanotto. Toisaalta aineistossa ei näy pelkästään muutos, vaan Yhdysvallat on suomalaisille kommentoijille myös muuttumaton suurvalta jolta odotetaan paljon ja jota kritisoidaan sen mukaan – aikakaudesta riippuen joko suomalaisesta tai eurooppalaisesta positiosta käsin.

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In her thesis, Kaisa Kaakinen analyzes how the German emigrant author W. G. Sebald (1944-2001) uses architecture and photography in his last novel "Austerlitz" to represent time, history and remembering. Sebald describes time in spatial terms: it is like a building, the rooms and chambers of which are connected to each other. The poetics of spatial time manifests itself on multiple levels of the text. Kaakinen traces it in architectural representations, photographic images, intertextuality, as well as in the form of the text, using the concept of spatial form by Joseph Frank. Architectural and photographic representations serve as meeting points for different aspects and angles of the novel and illustrate the idea of a layered present that has multiple connections to the past. The novel tells a story of Jacques Austerlitz, who as a small child was sent from Prague to Britain in one of the so-called Kindertransports that saved children from Central Europe occupied by the National Socialists. Only gradually he remembers his Jewish parents, who have most likely perished in Nazi concentration camps. The novel brings the problematic of writing about another person's past to the fore by the fact that Austerlitz's story is told by an anonymous narrator, Austerlitz's interlocutor, who listens to and writes down Austerlitz's story. Kaakinen devotes the final part of her thesis to study the demands of representing a historical trauma, drawing on authors such as Dominick LaCapra and Michael Rothberg. Through the analysis of architectural and photographic representations in the novel, she demonstrates how Austerlitz highlights the sense of singularity and inaccessibility of memories of an individual, while also stressing the necessity - and therefore a certain kind of possibility - of passing these memories to another person. The coexistence of traumatic narrowness and of the infinity of history is reflected in ambivalent buildings. Some buildings in the novel resemble reversible figures: they can be perceived simultaneously as ruins and as construction sites. Buildings are also shown to be able to both cover and preserve memories - an idea that also is repeated in the use of photography, which tends to both replace memories and cause an experience of the presence of an absent thing. Commenting and critisizing some recent studies on Sebald, the author develops a reading which stresses the ambivalence inherent in Sebald's view on history and historiography. Austerlitz shows the need to recognize the inevitable absence of the past as well as the distance from the experiences of others. Equally important, however, is the refusal to give up narrating the past: Sebald's novel stresses the necessity to preserve the sites of the past, which carry silent traces of vanished life. The poetics of Austerlitz reflects the paradox of the simultaneous impossibility and indispensability of writing history.

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The famous philosopher Leibniz (1646-1716) was also active in the (cultural) politics of his time. His interest in forming scientific societies never waned and his efforts led to the founding of the Berlin Academy of Sciences. He also played a part in the founding of the Dresden Academy of Science and the St. Petersburg Academy of Science. Though Leibniz's models for the scientific society were the Royal Society and the Royal Science Academy of France, his pansophistic vision of scientific cooperation sometimes took on utopian dimensions. In this paper, I will present Leibniz's ideas of scientific cooperation as a kind of religious activity and discuss his various schemes for the founding of such scientific societies.

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We present a search for a Higgs boson decaying to two W bosons in ppbar collisions at sqrt(s)=1.96 TeV center-of-mass energy. The data sample corresponds to an integrated luminosity of 3.0 fb-1 collected with the CDF II detector. We find no evidence for production of a Higgs boson with mass between 110 and 200 GeV/c^2, and determine upper limits on the production cross section. For the mass of 160 GeV/c^2, where the analysis is most sensitive, the observed (expected) limit is 0.7 pb (0.9 pb) at 95% Bayesian credibility level which is 1.7 (2.2) times the standard model cross section.

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A detailed study is presented of the expected performance of the ATLAS detector. The reconstruction of tracks, leptons, photons, missing energy and jets is investigated, together with the performance of b-tagging and the trigger. The physics potential for a variety of interesting physics processes, within the Standard Model and beyond, is examined. The study comprises a series of notes based on simulations of the detector and physics processes, with particular emphasis given to the data expected from the first years of operation of the LHC at CERN.

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We combine searches by the CDF and D0 collaborations for a Higgs boson decaying to W+W-. The data correspond to an integrated total luminosity of 4.8 (CDF) and 5.4 (D0) fb-1 of p-pbar collisions at sqrt{s}=1.96 TeV at the Fermilab Tevatron collider. No excess is observed above background expectation, and resulting limits on Higgs boson production exclude a standard-model Higgs boson in the mass range 162-166 GeV at the 95% C.L.

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We combine results from searches by the CDF and D0 collaborations for a standard model Higgs boson (H) in the process gg->H->W+W- in p=pbar collisions at the Fermilab Tevatron Collider at sqrt{s}=1.96 TeV. With 4.8 fb-1 of integrated luminosity analyzed at CDF and 5.4 fb-1 at D0, the 95% Confidence Level upper limit on \sigma(gg->H) x B(H->W+W-) is 1.75 pb at m_H=120 GeV, 0.38 pb at m_H=165 GeV, and 0.83 pb at m_H=200 GeV. Assuming the presence of a fourth sequential generation of fermions with large masses, we exclude at the 95% Confidence Level a standard-model-like Higgs boson with a mass between 131 and 204 GeV.

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The cross section for jets from b quarks produced with a W boson has been measured in ppbar collision data from 1.9/fb of integrated luminosity recorded by the CDF II detector at the Tevatron. The W+b-jets process poses a significant background in measurements of top quark production and prominent searches for the Higgs boson. We measure a b-jet cross section of 2.74 +- 0.27(stat.) +- 0.42(syst.) pb in association with a single flavor of leptonic W boson decay over a limited kinematic phase space. This measured result cannot be accommodated in several available theoretical predictions.

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We report measurements of the polarization of W bosons from top-quark decays using 2.7 fb^-1 of ppbar collisions collected by the CDF II detector. Assuming a top-quark mass of 175 GeV/c^2, three measurements are performed. A simultaneous measurement of the fraction of longitudinal (f_0) and right-handed (f_+) W bosons yields the model-independent results f_0 = 0.88 \pm 0.11 (stat) \pm 0.06 (syst) and f_+ = -0.15 \pm 0.07 (stat) \pm 0.06 (syst) with a correlation coefficient of -0.59. A measurement of f_0 (f_+) constraining f_+ (f_0) to its standard model value of 0.0 (0.7) yields f_0 = 0.70 \pm 0.07 (stat) \pm 0.04 (syst) (f_+ = -0.01 \pm 0.02 (stat) \pm 0.05 (syst)). All these results are consistent with standard model expectations.