At the Limits of Presentation : Coming-into-Presence and its Aesthetic Relevance in Jean-Luc Nancy's Philosophy

This study investigates the significance of art in Jean-Luc Nancy s philosophy. I argue that the notion of art contributes to some of Nancy s central ontological ideas. Therefore, I consider art s importance in its own right whether art does have ontological significance, and if so, how one should describe this with respect to the theme of presentation. According to my central argument, with his thinking on art Nancy attempts to give one viewpoint to what is called the metaphysics of presence and to its deconstruction. On which grounds, as I propose, may one say that art is not reducible to philosophy? The thesis is divided into two main parts. The first part, Presentation as a Philosophical Theme, is a historical genesis of the central concepts associated with the birth of presentation in Nancy s philosophy. I examine this from the viewpoint of the differentiation between the ontological notions of presentation and representation by concentrating on the influence of Martin Heidegger and Jacques Derrida, as well as of Hegel and Kant. I give an overview of the way in which being or sense for Nancy is to be described as a coming-into-presence or presentation . Therefore, being takes place in its singular plurality. I argue that Nancy redevelops Heidegger s account of being in two principal ways: first, in rethinking the ontico-ontological difference, and secondly, by striving to radicalize the Heideggerian concept of Mitsein, being-with . I equally wish to show the importance of Derrida s notion of différance and its inherence in Nancy s questioning of being that rests on the unfoundedness of existence. The second part, From Ontology to Art, draws on the importance of art and the aesthetic. If, in Nancy, the question of art touches upon its own limit as the limit of nothingness, how is art able to open its own strangeness and our exposure to this strangeness? My aim is to investigate how Nancy s thinking on art finds its place within the conceptual realm of its inherent difference and interval. My central concern is the thought of originary ungroundedness and the plurality of art and of the arts. As for the question of the difference between art and philosophy, I wish to show that what differentiates art from thought is the fact that art exposes what is obvious but not apparent, if apparent is understood in the sense of givenness. As for art s ability to deconstruct Nancy s ontological notions, I suggest that in question in art is its original heterogeneity and diversity. Art is a matter of differing art occurs singularly, as a local difference. With this in mind, I point out that in reflecting on art in terms of spacing and interval, as a thinker of difference Nancy comes closer to Derrida and his idea of différance than to the structure of Heidegger s ontological difference.

Learning from Venice : What a unique city can teach about the aesthetic

Learning from Venice is a philosophical learning diary on what a highly original city can teach urban aesthetics. Throughout history, classical cities have been interpreted and experienced in various ways. But aesthetics has never been accentuated as much as today. Venice has been an important center of commerce, a naval power, and it has had a lot of influence in arts and culture. But in our days it is a tourist trap and a cluster of so called world heritage. The development of tourism is the main reason for the fact that many old cities have become venues for leisure and entertainment, sometimes so that everyday life itself has been pushed to the margins. There is a lot one can learn by studying the history of the aesthetic appreciation of a city. Sometimes the way a city has been enjoyed has changed following the development of traffic. In Venice water buses have replaced the slow and silent gondolas, and since the building of the railway tourists have been approaching the city from a new direction, so that her façade which was built for seafarers has almost become forgotten. There are also themes of change and mobility which are peculiarly Venetian. What is the nature of a city where there are more tourists than inhabitants? And how does one experience a city where water dominates? These questions, and many more, are discussed in Learning from Venice, and side by side with applied aesthetics, the work of philosophers like Walter Benjamin, Gianni Vattimo, and John Dewey, among many others, enter a dialogue with this extraordinary city. Themes discussed include also e.g. walking, surface and depth, Venice as kitsch, and Venice as a museum.

Movement-associated proteins of Potato virus A: attachment to virus particles and phosphorylation

The particles of Potato virus A (PVA; genus Potyvirus) are helically constructed filaments that contain multiple copies of a single type of coat-protein (CP) subunit and a single copy of genome-linked protein (VPg), attached to one end of the virion. Examination of negatively-stained virions by electron microscopy revealed flexuous, rod-shaped particles with no obvious terminal structures. It is known that particles of several filamentous plant viruses incorporate additional minor protein components, forming stable complexes that mediate particle disassembly, movement or transmission by insect vectors. The first objective of this work was to study the interaction of PVA movement-associated proteins with virus particles and how these interactions contribute to the morphology and function of the virus particles. Purified particles of PVA were examined by atomic force microscopy (AFM) and immuno-gold electron microscopy. A protrusion was found at one end of some of the potyvirus particles, associated with the 5' end of the viral RNA. The tip contained two virus-encoded proteins, the genome-linked protein (VPg) and the helper-component proteinase (HC-Pro). Both are required for cell-to-cell movement of the virus. Biochemical and electron microscopy studies of purified PVA samples also revealed the presence of another protein required for cell-to-cell movement the cylindrical inclusion protein (CI), which is also an RNA helicase/ATPase. Centrifugation through a 5-40% sucrose gradient separated virus particles with no detectable CI to a fraction that remained in the gradient, from the CI-associated particles that went to the pellet. Both types of particles were infectious. AFM and translation experiments demonstrated that when the viral CI was not present in the sample, PVA virions had a beads-on-a-string phenotype, and RNA within the virus particles was more accessible to translation. The second objective of this work was to study phosphorylation of PVA movement-associated and structural proteins (CP and VPg) in vitro and, if possible, in vivo. PVA virion structural protein CP is necessary for virus cell-to-cell movement. The tobacco protein kinase CK2 was identified as a kinase phosphorylating PVA CP. A major site of CK2 phosphorylation in PVA CP was identified as a single threonine within a CK2 consensus sequence. Amino acid substitutions affecting the CK2 consensus sequence in CP resulted in viruses that were defective in cell-to-cell and long-distance movement. The CK2 regulation of virion assembly and cell-to-cell movement by phosphorylation of CP was possibly due to the inhibition of CP binding to viral RNA. Four putative phosphorylation sites were identified from an in vitro phosphorylated recombinant VPg. All four were mutated and the spread of mutant viruses in two different host plants was studied. Two putative phosphorylation site mutants (Thr45 and Thr49) had phenotypes identical to that of a wild type (WT) virus infection in both Nicotiana benthamiana and N. tabacum plants. The other two mutant viruses (Thr132/Ser133 and Thr168) showed different phenotypes with increased or decreased accumulation rates, respectively, in inoculated and the first two systemically infected leaves of N. benthamiana. The same mutants were occasionally restricted to single cells in N. tabacum plants, suggesting the importance of these amino acids in the PVA infection cycle in N. tabacum.

Posted Workers and Free Movement of Services in the European Union – the Impact on National Employment and Immigration Law

This thesis examines posting of workers within the free movement of services in the European Union. The emphasis is on the case law of the European Court of Justice and in the role it has played in the liberalisation of the service sector in respect of posting of workers. The case law is examined from two different viewpoints: firstly, that of employment law and secondly, immigration law. The aim is to find out how active a role the Court has taken with regard these two fields of law and what are the implications of the Court’s judgments for the regulation on a national level. The first part of the thesis provides a general review of the Community law principles governing the freedom to provide services in the EU. The second part presents the Posted Workers’ Directive and the case law of the European Court of Justice before and after the enactment of the Directive from the viewpoint of employment law. Special attention is paid to a recent judgment in which the Court has taken a restrictive position with regard to a trade union’s right to take collective action against a service provider established in another Member State. The third part of the thesis concentrates, firstly, on the legal status of non-EU nationals lawfully resident in the EU. Secondly, it looks into the question of how the Court’s case law has affected the possibilities to use non-EU nationals as posted workers within the freedom to provide services. The final chapter includes a critical analysis of the Court’s case law on posted workers. The judgments of the European Court of Justice are the principal source of law for this thesis. In the primary legislation the focus is on Articles 49 EC and 50 EC that lay down the rules concerning the free movement of services. Within the secondary legislation, the present work principally concentrates on the Posted Workers’ Directive. It also examines proposals of the European Commission and directives that have been adopted in the field of immigration. The conclusions of the case study are twofold: while in the field of employment law, the European Court of Justice has based its judgments on a very literal interpretation of the Posted Workers’ Directive, in the field of immigration its conclusions have been much more innovative. In both fields of regulation the Court’s judgments have far-reaching implications for the rules concerning posting of workers leaving very little discretion for the Member States’ authorities.

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

Assessment of neuroleptic-induced movement disorders in a naturalistic schizophrenia population

The prevalence and assessment of neuroleptic-induced movement disorders (NIMDs) in a naturalistic schizophrenia population that uses conventional neuroleptics were studied. We recruited 99 chronic schizophrenic institutionalized adult patients from a state nursing home in central Estonia. The total prevalence of NIMDs according to the diagnostic criteria of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition (DSM-IV) was 61.6%, and 22.2% had more than one NIMD. We explored the reliability and validity of different instruments for measuring these disorders. First, we compared DSM-IV with the established observer rating scales of Barnes Akathisia Rating Scale (BARS), Simpson-Angus Scale (SAS) (for neuroleptic-induced parkinsonism, NIP) and Abnormal Involuntary Movement Scale (AIMS) (for tardive dyskinesia), all three of which have been used for diagnosing NIMD. We found a good overlap of cases for neuroleptic-induced akathisia (NIA) and tardive dyskinesia (TD) but somewhat poorer overlap for NIP, for which we suggest raising the commonly used threshold value of 0.3 to 0.65. Second, we compared the established observer rating scales with an objective motor measurement, namely controlled rest lower limb activity measured by actometry. Actometry supported the validity of BARS and SAS, but it could not be used alone in this naturalistic population with several co-existing NIMDs. It could not differentiate the disorders from each other. Quantitative actometry may be useful in measuring changes in NIA and NIP severity, in situations where the diagnosis has been made using another method. Third, after the relative failure of quantitative actometry to show diagnostic power in a naturalistic population, we explored descriptive ways of analysing actometric data, and demonstrated diagnostic power pooled NIA and pseudoakathisia (PsA) in our population. A subjective question concerning movement problems was able to discriminate NIA patients from all other subjects. Answers to this question were not selective for other NIMDs. Chronic schizophrenia populations are common worldwide, NIMD affected two-thirds of our study population. Prevention, diagnosis and treatment of NIMDs warrant more attention, especially in countries where typical antipsychotics are frequently used. Our study supported the validity and reliability of DSM-IV diagnostic criteria for NIMD in comparison with established rating scales and actometry. SAS can be used with minor modifications for screening purposes. Controlled rest lower limb actometry was not diagnostically specific in our naturalistic population with several co-morbid NIMDs, but it may be sensitive in measuring changes in NIMDs.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Resistance responses blocking systemic movement of Potato virus A in potato

Peruna kestää A-virusta estämällä sen leviämistä Peruna on maissin ohella maailman kolmanneksi tärkein ravintokasvi vehnän ja riisin jälkeen. Perunaa lisätään kasvullisesti mukuloita istuttamalla, jolloin virukset siirtyvät sairaiden siemenmukuloiden välityksellä kasvukaudesta toiseen. Virustauteja voi torjua ainoastaan terveen siemenperunan ja kestävien lajikkeiden avulla. Kestävyys perustuu usein siihen, että kasvi estää viruksen leviämisen tartuntakohdasta välttyäkseen virustaudilta. Tässä työssä tutkittiin kolmea perunan A-viruksen (PVA) liikkumista estävää kestävyysmekanismia perunassa. Lisäksi työn kokeelliseen osaan oleellisesti kuuluvaa virustartutusta varten kehitettiin uusi paranneltu versio geenipyssystä. Tämä itse rakennettu laite optimoitiin PVA:n tartuttamiseen mahdollisimman helposti ja pienin käyttökustannuksin. Tutkimuksen kohteena olleessa perunan risteytysjälkeläistössä oli PVA:ta kestäviä kasveja (ryhmä nnr), jotka estivät viruksen liikkumisen aiheuttamatta oireita tartutuskohdassa, sekä kasveja, joissa PVA aiheutti kuolioläikkinä näkyvän yliherkkyysvasteen (ryhmä HR). Molemmissa kestävyystyypeissä virus pystyi monistumaan ja leviämään solusta soluun paikallisesti, mutta liikkuminen muihin kasvinosiin nilan kautta estyi. Ryhmän nnr kasveissa PVA-tartunta ei aiheuttanut tilastollisesti merkitsevää muutosta useimpien geenien ilmenemiseen tartuntakohdassa. Ainoastaan geeniperhe, joka ilmentää tiettyä proteinaasi-inhibiittoria (PI), reagoi PVA:han 24 tuntia tartutuksesta. Kun tämän PVA:han reagoivan geeniperheen jäsenet hiljennettiin nnr- perunalinjoissa, ne muuttuivat alttiiksi PVA:lle ja virus levisi tartuntakohdasta muihin kasvinosiin. Tulos osoittaa, että PI on viruskestävyystekijä. Lisäksi muut tutkimuksessa saadut tulokset tukevat mahdollisuutta, että PI estää PVA:n P1-proteinaasin toimintaa. HR-linjoissa todettiin erilaisiin puolustusvasteisiin liittyvien PR-geenien aktivoitumista PVA-tartunnan seurauksena, mutta myös ilman sitä kasvien kasvettua mullassa noin neljä viikkoa. Sen sijaan solukkoviljelyssä tai vasta kaksi viikkoa mullassa kasvaneissa kasveissa vastaavaa ei vielä todettu. Tulos viittaa siihen, että HR-perunat reagoivat herkemmin ympäristöön ja/tai kasvin kehitysasteeseen laukaisten puolustusvasteita, jotka saattavat parantaa kestävyyttä taudinaiheuttajia vastaan. Kolmas tutkittu kestävyystyyppi havaittiin Pito-perunalajikkeessa. Se muistutti nnr-kestävyyttä siten, että myös siinä viruksen liikkuminen nilassa muihin kasvinosiin estyi. PVA:n todettiin pysähtyvän vasta lehtiruodin tyvelle muodostuvaan irtoamisvyöhykkeeseen, mitä havainnollistettiin käyttämällä muunnettua PVA-rotua, joka tuotti UV-valossa fluoresoivaa vihreää valoa. Tulos viittaa siihen, että virus ei pääse kulkemaan vyöhykkeeseen kuuluvan suojaavan kerroksen läpi, jollei sillä ole pääsyä nilaan. Tällainen kestävyys on tarpeen, jotta virus ei voi korvata nilakuljetusta solusta soluun leviämisellä. Tulokset tuovat uusia näkökulmia kasvien viruskestävyyteen ja auttavat selittämään viruksen nilakuljetuksen estymistä sekä solusta soluun leviämisen pysähtymistä kestävissä kasveissa.

Globalization and the Political : in the Borderlands with the Zapatista Movement

This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -