11 resultados para ARE

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Meckel syndrome (MKS, MIM 249000) is a severe developmental disorder that leads to death already in utero or shortly after birth. MKS diagnosis can be established by a careful ultrasound examination already at 11-14 weeks of gestation. The main features of MKS are occipital meningoencephalocele, cystic kidney dysplasia and fibrotic changes of the liver. In addition, polydactyly is frequently reported in the cases. The aim of the study was to characterize the molecular and functional defects in MKS. In this study we were able to identify two major MKS mutations in Finnish population, which cover over 90% of the cases. The first mutation is a 29 bp intronic deletion in the MKS1 gene (c.1483-7_35del) that is found in 70% of the families and the second is a C>T substitution in the coding region of CC2D2A (c.1762C>T), that is found in 20% of the MKS families. Both of these mutations result in abnormal splicing. The discovery of the disease genes has revealed that MKS is caused by primary cilia dysfunction. MKS1 gene has a conserved B9 domain, and it is found in the predicted ciliary proteome. CC2D2A protein is also found in the predicted ciliary proteome and it has a Ca2+ binding domain. The number of genes behind MKS has increased rapidly in the past years and to date, mutations have been identified in five genes (MKS1, TMEM67/MKS3, CEP290/MKS4, RPGRIP1L/MKS5 and CC2D2A/MKS6). Identification of the disease genes mutations has also revealed that MKS is an allelic disorder with other syndromes with overlapping phenotypes. Disorders that are caused by primary cilia dysfunction are collectively known as ciliopathies. Sequence analysis of all the known MKS genes in Finnish and non-Finnish families available to us, where the mutation was still unknown, revealed mutations in 14 out of the 30 families included in the study. When we collected all the reported mutations in MKS genes in different syndromes we could see that there was clearly a genotype-syndrome correlation between the mutations and the syndromes, since the same pair of mutations has never been reported in different syndromes. The basic molecular events behind MKS will not only give us information of this syndrome, but also significant novel information on early fetal development in general.

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This study discusses the legitimacy basis of political power and its changes in historical African societies. It starts from Luc de Heusch s tenet that political power required a legitimacy basis of a spiritual kind, often formulated as sacred kingship. In ancient and pre-literate societies such kings were held to be responsible for the fertility of man, land and cattle. The king was a paradoxical figure, symbolising society, but standing above it, while simultaneously being its victim by being ritually killed at old age. This was also how Owambo sacred kings were conceived. De Heusch suggested that African kings derived their power over fertility from having been made sacred monsters in the rituals of installation. With the example of Owambo kingship, this study argues that the transgressive and monstrous aspect is only one of several dimension of a king s sacredness and brings out the nurturing and symbolically female aspect, identified but not analysed further by de Heusch. In the Owambo kingly installation a king-elect was made sacred, and part of it was that a link was ritually created to the early owners of the land. Their consent made it possible for the king to promote fertility and to appropriate power emblems needed for ruling. In the kingdom of Ondonga the early owners of the land were the spirits of early Bushman inhabitants and those of an early kingly clan, both neglected in public memory. The sacred dimension of kingship was further augmented when kings manipulated and appropriated rain rituals and initiation rituals, both of which were related to fertility. The study argues that even though there were aspects of the sacred monster in Owambo kingship, its manifestation was, in part, a distortion of the reciprocal aspect of kingship that was expressed in the homage paid to various ancestor spirits. A change in succession practices from ritual regicide to political assassination took place concomitant with the introduction of firearms, and this broke the sacrificial aspect of sacred kingship paving the way for a more predatory form of kingship while the sacred status of the king was retained.

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In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

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Argues that as a more effective precuationary measure, it would seem that the firearms revocation threshold should be substantially lowered, or at least further clarified in guidance. Response to public debate in light of school shootings.

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"The genetic diversity of Puumala hantavirus (PUUV) was studied in a local population of its natural host, the bank vole (Myodes glareolus). The trapping area (2.5x2.5 km) at Konnevesi, Central Finland, included 14 trapping sites, at least 500 m apart; altogether, 147 voles were captured during May and October 2005. Partial sequences of the S, M and L viral genome segments were recovered from 40 animals. Seven, 12 and 17 variants were detected for the S, M and L sequences, respectively; these represent new wild-type PUUV strains that belong to the Finnish genetic lineage. The genetic diversity of PUUV strains from Konnevesi was 0.2-4.9% for the S segment, 0.2-4.8% for the M segment and 0.2-9.7% for the L segment. Most nucleotide substitutions were synonymous and most deduced amino acid substitutions were conservative, probably due to strong stabilizing selection operating at the protein level. Based on both sequence markers and phylogenetic clustering, the S, M and L sequences could be assigned to two groups, 'A' and 'B'. Notably, not all bank voles carried S, M and L sequences belonging to the same group, i.e. SAMALA or SBMBLB.. A substantial proportion (8/40, 20%) of the newly characterized PUUV strains possessed reassortant genomes such as SBMALA, SAMBLB or SBMALB. These results suggest that at least some of the PUUV reassortants are viable and can survive in the presence of their parental strains."

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Recent evidence from adult pronoun comprehension suggests that semantic factors such as verb transitivity affect referent salience and thereby anap- hora resolution. We tested whether the same semantic factors influence pronoun comprehension in young children. In a visual world study, 3-year- olds heard stories that began with a sentence containing either a high or a low transitivity verb. Looking behaviour to pictures depicting the subject and object of this sentence was recorded as children listened to a subsequent sentence containing a pronoun. Children showed a stronger preference to look to the subject as opposed to the object antecedent in the low transitivity condition. In addition there were general preferences (1) to look to the subject in both conditions and (2) to look more at both potential antecedents in the high transitivity condition. This suggests that children, like adults, are affected by semantic factors, specifically semantic prominence, when interpreting anaphoric pronouns.

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In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

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Tässä tutkielmassa kuvataan tekijöitä, jotka haittaavat naisten toimintaa kunnanvaltuutettuina tehokkaalla tai naisten itsensä haluamalla tavalla sekä vaikuttavat heidän mahdollisuuksiinsa vaikuttaa päätöksentekoon Ghanan paikallishallinnossa. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan sekä paikallishallintoon nimitettyjen että vaaleilla valittujen naisten asemaa valtuutettuina, mitä aiemmissa tutkimuksissa Ghanan paikallishallinnosta ei ole tehty. Ghanassa nimittäin 30 prosenttia kunnanvaltuutetuista nimitetään tehtäväänsä. Lopulta tutkimuksessa analysoidaan nimitettyjen ja vaaleilla valittujen naisvaltuutettujen mahdollisuuksia edustaa halutessaan naisten intressejä. Hon kunnanvaltuuston tapaus oli erittäin kiinnostava, sillä vuonna 2006 naisten osuus kunnanvaltuutetuista nousi 35,7 prosenttiin. Aiemmin naisia oli ollut valtuustossa huomattavasti vähemmän. Tutkimusta varten tehtiin kenttätyötä Ghanassa. Tutkimus perustuu 16 Hon kunnanvaltuutetun haastatteluun ja kunnan pormestarin kanssa käytyyn keskusteluun. Kartoitan Hon kunnanvaltuuston naisvaltuutettujen toimintaan vaikuttavia tekijöitä ja naisedustajien työssä kohtaamia esteitä sekä naisvaltuutettujen omien kokemusten että miespuolisten kunnanvaltuutettujen näkemysten kautta. Tutkimustulokset osoittivat, että naisvaltuutetut kohtasivat työssään monia haasteita. Moni esteistä oli yhdistettävissä toimimattomiin rakenteisiin, miehisiin normeihin ja käytäntöihin sekä toisaalta naisten miehiä huonompaan sosiaaliseen asemaan. Esimerkiksi liikkuminen vaalialueella ja jopa kokouksiin saapuminen olijoillekin naisille suuri haaste. Myös paikallisten ihmisten vaatimukset saada henkilökohtaista rahallista hyötyä valtuutetuilta nousivat esiin naisten esteenä. Toisaalta näkemysten esittäminen kokouksissa vaikutti naisille ongelmalliselta eli huomio kiinnittyi naisten poliittiseen kokemattomuuteen sekä valtuuston institutionaaliseen kulttuuriin. Nimitettyjen naisten asema kunnanvaltuustossa paljastui erilaiseksi kuin vaaleilla valittujen naisedustajien. Nimitettyjen edustajien järjestelmä, jota on perusteltu mahdollisuutena lisätä naisten intressien edustusta paikallishallinnossa, näyttäytyi tutkimusten tulosten perusteella kyseenalaisena keinona lisätä naisten edustusta paikallishallinnossa. Nimitettyjä valtuutettuja ei esimerkiksi nähty legitiimeinä ihmisten edustajina paikallishallinnossa vaan heidän katsottiin edistävän puolueensa intressejä, ei paikallisten ihmisten. Nimitettyjen edustajien järjestelmä myös paljastui paikalliselle poliittiselle eliitille suosiolliseksi järjestelmäksi valita kiintiön kautta edustajiksi itselleen, ei paikallisille ihmisille tai paikallisille naisille, sopivia edustajia.

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We show that a metric Jordan curve $\Gamma$ is \emph{bounded turning} if and only if there exists a \emph{weak-quasisymmetric} homeomorphism $\phi\colon \mathsf{S}^1 \to \Gamma$.