Zoning a cross-border city

This paper investigates zoning in a cross-border linear city that consists of two bordering towns. In each town a local regulator has a say in the location of the local firm. The incentive to gain consumers from the other town, or not to lose local consumers, may push regulators to approve only locations for firms close enough to the frontier. When zoning is costly an asymmetric equilibrium may emerge: only one regulator resorts to zoning. In the case of towns of different sizes the regulator of the larger town is the only one that zones in an asymmetric equilibrium.

ETCS protokoloaren hedatzea simulazio hibridodun ingurune batean System-in-the-loop erreminta erabiliz.

[EU]Gaur egun, Europa mailan European Rail Traffic Management System (ERTMS) seinaleztapen-sistema bateratua hedatzen ari dira trenbide sare desberdinen arteko elkar eragintasuna bultzatzeko. Proiektu honen helburua da ERTMS sistemaren barneko ETCS protokoloa hedatzea simulazio hibridodun ingurune batean, ERTMS sistemaren hedatzea azkartuko duten erakusleak sortuz. Horretarako, OPNET simulagailuaren System-in-the-loop erreminta erabili da. Erreminta hau baliatuz ETCS protokoloaren pakete errealak ingurune simulatuan integratzeko funtzioen liburutegi bat idatzi da. Amaitzeko, liburutegi hori baliatuz ETCS protokoloak sareko arazoen aurrean duen errendimenduaren analisi bat burutu da eta liburutegi berri horrek pakete errealak simulatuetara itzultzean (eta kontrakoa) duen errendimendua zein den aztertu da.

The Object Agreement Restriction

[EN]This paper deals with the so-called Person Case Constraint (Bonet, 1991), a universal constraint blocking accusative clitics and object agreement morphemes other than third person when a dative is inserted in the same clitic/agreement cluster. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, we argue that the scope of the PCC is considerably broader than assumed in previous work, and that neither its formulation in terms of person (1st/2nd vs. 3rd)-case (accusative vs. dative) restrictions nor its morphological nature are part of the right descriptive generalization.We present evidence (i) that the PCC is triggered by the presence of an animacy feature in the object’s agreement set; (ii) that it is not case dependent, also showing up in languages that lack dative case; and (iii) that it is not morphologically bound. Second, we argue that the PCC, even if it is modified accordingly, still puts together two different properties of the agreement system that should be set apart: (i) a cross linguistic sensitivity of object agreement to animacy and (ii) a similarly widespread restriction on multiple object agreement observed crosslinguistically. These properties lead us to propose a new generalization, the Object Agreement Constraint (OAC): if the verbal complex encodes object agreement, no other argument can be licensed through verbal agreement.