18 resultados para Ancient Political Philosophy
em Archivo Digital para la Docencia y la Investigación - Repositorio Institucional de la Universidad del País Vasco
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360 p.
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283 p. : graf., map.
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The plots of the five Greek novels of "love and Adventures" are set in two differentent spaces. First, a macrospace, a gigantic stage which mainly includes Eastern cities of the Roman Empire, where the protagonists live the so-called adventures. And second, the microspaces, depicted in Longus' novel and occasionally in the other novels. The love ideology is clearly conservative, and it has a specific practical purpose among the Hellenized higher classes in the Eastern Empire.
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Contributed to: 4th International Conference, EuroMed 2012, Limassol, Cyprus, October 29 – November 3, 2012.
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10 p.
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Homenaje a Ignacio Barandiarán Maestu / coord. por Javier Fernández Eraso, Juan Santos Yanguas.
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Mª José García Soler ( editora).Anejos de VELEIA. Serie Minor nº 17
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Eterio Pajares, Raquel Merino y José Miguel Santamaría (eds.)
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Javier Alonso Aldama, Cirilo García Román e Idoia Mamolar Sánchez (eds)
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Comunicación presentada en el II Congresso Peninsular de Historia Antigua (Coimbra, 1990)
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[ES] El objetivo del presente artículo es demostrar y analizar las discrepancias que hubo en el seno de la burguesía guipuzcoana durante los siglos XVIII y XIX en torno a la habilitación de los puertos guipuzcoanos para el comercio directo con América y el traslado de aduanas desde el interior a la costa. Para ello, se acude a la extensa historiografía que se ha ocupado del tema y se hace un análisis crítico de cierto número de representaciones enviadas por el grupo de comerciantes disidentes, con el fin de llevar a cabo un reco- rrido por el debate en torno a ambas cuestiones, que se prolongó desde el advenimiento de la dinastía borbónica hasta los decretos de 1841. A pesar de la visión unívoca que se ha dado del mencionado debate, según la cual parti- ciparon dos bloques perfectamente diferenciados, la documentación muestra una mayor heterogeneidad en las posturas, de manera que en el seno de la burguesía comercial se perciben ciertas divisiones y discrepancias. Si bien es cierto que en un principio los bloques parecen tener un discurso claramente beligerante, aunque también existen todavía puntos de coincidencia, a medi- da que transcurre el tiempo, las posturas se van radicalizando y diversifi- cando, creando una mayor heterogeneidad.
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[ES] Los datos de este registro provienen de la una actividad académica que también aparece descrita en el repositorio y desde donde se puede acceder a otros trabajos relacionados con el Monasterio:
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29 p.
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In the recent evolution of contemporary social movements three phases can be identified. The first phase is marked by the labour movement and the systemic importance attributed to the labour conflict in industrial societies. This conflict has been interpreted as a consequence of the shortcoming of social integration mechanisms by Emile Durkheim, as a rational conflict by entrepreneurs’ and workers’ interests by Max Wener, and as a central class struggle for the transformation of society by Karl Marx. The second phase in this development was led by the new social movements of the post-industrial society of the 1960s and 1970s’ students, women and environmentalist movements. Two new analytical perspectives have explained these movements’ meaning and actions. Resource mobilization theory (McAdam and Tilly) has focuses on rational attitudes and conflicts. Actionalist sociology, in turn, has identified the new protagonists of social conflicts that replaced the labour movement in postindustrial societies. The third phase emerges in a world characterized by the ascendance of markets, the increasingly prominent role of financial capital flows, the closure of communities, and fundamentalism. In this context, human rights and pro-democratization movements constitute alternatives to global domination and the systemic conditioning of individual and groups.
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This paper investigates whether the effect of political institutions on sectoral economic performance is determined by the level of technological development of industries. Building on previous studies on the linkages among political institutions, technology and economic growth, we employ the dynamic panel Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) estimator for a sample of 4,134 country-industries from 61 industries and 89 countries over the 1990-2010 period. Our main findings suggest that changes of political institutions towards higher levels of democracy, political rights and civil liberties enhance economic growth in technologically developed industries. On the contrary, the same institutional changes might retard economic growth of those industries that are below a technological development threshold. Overall, these results give evidence of a technologically conditioned nature of political institutions to be growth-promoting.