30 resultados para Fishery law and legislation.

em Aquatic Commons


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This paper sets out to explore how Uganda's lake Victoria fishery has been managed. It explores the management of the fishery during the protectorate period, and argues that the apparent success of regulation during this time may be attributed to the very heightened controls arising from Sleeping Sickness Controls. Once these were removed, entry into the fishery was rapid and uncontrolled, and the resultant impact on fish stocks was quickly felt. With its huge area, considerable shoreline, and innumerable islands, the lake Victoria fisheries service was quickly overwhelmed and disbanded as a result. In the early independence years, the Republic's government focused on developing the fishery, plans thwarted by turmoil of, and following, Idi Amin's reign. More recently, the fishery has prospered from Uganda's entry into the Nile perch fillet export market, which ahs adversely affected stocks. We present and comment on recently collected data that considers fishers' impressions of the status of the fishery, regulations and future managerial possibilities, and comment on these in the light of recent changes to Uganda's fisheries administration

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Executive Summary: This study describes the socio-economic characteristics of the U.S. Caribbean trap fishery that encompasses the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and Territory of the U.S. Virgin Islands. In-person interviews were administered to one hundred randomly selected trap fishermen, constituting nearly 25% of the estimated population. The sample was stratified by geographic area and trap tier. The number of traps owned or fished to qualify for a given tier varied by island. In Puerto Rico, tier I consisted of fishermen who had between 1-40 fish traps, tier II was made up of fishermen who possessed between 41 and 100 fish traps, and tier III consisted of fishermen who held in excess of 100 fish traps. In St. Thomas and St. John, tier I was composed of fishermen who held between 1 and 50 fish traps, tier II consisted of fishermen who had between 51-150 fish traps and tier III was made up of fishermen who had in excess of 150 fish traps. Lastly, in St. Croix, tier I was made up of fishermen who had less than 20 fish traps and tier II consisted of fishermen who had 20 or more fish traps. The survey elicited information on household demographics, annual catch and revenue, trap usage, capital investment on vessels and equipment, fixed and variable costs, behavioral response to a hypothetical trap reduction program and the spatial distribution of traps. The study found that 79% of the sampled population was 40 years or older. The typical Crucian trap fisherman was older than their Puerto Rican and St. Thomian and St. Johnian counterparts. Crucian fishermen’s average age was 57 years whereas Puerto Rican fishermen’s average age was 51 years, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen’s average age was 48 years. As a group, St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen had 25 years of fishing experience, and Puerto Rican and Crucian fishermen had 30, and 29 years, respectively. Overall, 90% of the households had at least one dependent. The average number of dependents across islands was even, ranging between 2.8 in the district of St. Thomas and St. John and 3.4 in the district of St. Croix. The percentage utilization of catch for personal or family use was relatively low. Regionally, percentage use of catch for personal or family uses ranged from 2.5% in St. Croix to 3.8% in the St. Thomas and St. John. About 47% of the respondents had a high school degree. The majority of the respondents were highly dependent on commercial fishing for their household income. In St. Croix, commercial fishing made up 83% of the fishermen’s total household income, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John and Puerto Rico it contributed 74% and 68%, respectively. The contribution of fish traps to commercial fishing income ranged from 51% in the lowest trap tier in St. Thomas and St. John to 99% in the highest trap tier in St. Croix. On an island basis, the contribution of fish traps to fishing income was 75% in St. Croix, 61% in St. Thomas and St. John, and 59% in Puerto Rico. The value of fully rigged vessels ranged from $400 to $250,000. Over half of the fleet was worth $10,000 or less. The St. Thomas and St. John fleet reported the highest mean value, averaging $58,518. The Crucian and Puerto Rican fleets were considerably less valuable, averaging $19,831 and $8,652, respectively. The length of the vessels ranged from 14 to 40 feet. Fifty-nine percent of the sampled vessels were at least 23 feet in length. The average length of the St. Thomas and St. John fleet was 28 feet, whereas the fleets based in St. Croix and Puerto Rico averaged 21 feet. The engine’s propulsion ranged from 8 to 400 horsepower (hp). The mean engine power was 208 hp in St. Thomas and St. John, 108 hp in St. Croix, and 77 hp in Puerto Rico. Mechanical trap haulers and depth recorders were the most commonly used on-board equipment. About 55% of the sampled population reported owning mechanical trap haulers. In St. Thomas and St. John, 100% of the respondents had trap haulers compared to 52% in Puerto Rico and 20% in St. Croix. Forty-seven percent of the fishermen surveyed stated having depth recorders. Depth recorders were most common in the St. Thomas and St. John fleet (80%) and least common in the Puerto Rican fleet (37%). The limited presence of emergency position indication radio beacons (EPIRBS) and radar was the norm among the fish trap fleet. Only 8% of the respondents had EPIRBS and only 1% had radar. Interviewees stated that they fished between 1 and 350 fish traps. Puerto Rican respondents fished on average 39 fish traps, in contrast to St. Thomian and St. Johnian and Crucian respondents, who fished 94 and 27 fish traps, respectively. On average, Puerto Rican respondents fished 11 lobster traps, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian respondents fished 46 lobster traps. None of the Crucian respondents fished lobster traps. The number of fish traps built or purchased ranged between 0 and 175, and the number of lobster traps built or bought ranged between 0 and 200. Puerto Rican fishermen on average built or purchased 30 fish traps and 14 lobster traps, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen built or bought 30 fish traps and 11 lobster traps. Crucian fishermen built or bought 25 fish traps and no lobster traps. As a group, fish trap average life ranged between 1.3 and 5 years, and lobster traps lasted slightly longer, between 1.5 and 6 years. The study found that the chevron or arrowhead style was the most common trap design. Puerto Rican fishermen owned an average of 20 arrowhead traps. St. Thomian and St. Johnian and Crucian fishermen owned an average of 44 and 15 arrowhead fish traps, respectively. The second most popular trap design was the square trap style. Puerto Rican fishermen had an average of 9 square traps, whereas St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen had 33 traps and Crucian fishermen had 2 traps. Antillean Z (or S) -traps, rectangular and star traps were also used. Although Z (or S) -traps are considered the most productive trap design, fishermen prefer the smaller-sized arrowhead and square traps because they are easier and less expensive to build, and larger numbers of them can be safely deployed. The cost of a fish trap, complete with rope and buoys, varied significantly due to the wide range of construction materials utilized. On average, arrowhead traps commanded $94 in Puerto Rico, $251 in St. Thomas and St. John, and $119 in St. Croix. The number of trips per week ranged between 1 and 6. However, 72% of the respondents mentioned that they took two trips per week. On average, Puerto Rican fishermen took 2.1 trips per week, St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen took 1.4 trips per week, and Crucian fishermen took 2.5 trips per week. Most fishing trips started at dawn and finished early in the afternoon. Over 82% of the trips lasted 8 hours or less. On average, Puerto Rican fishermen hauled 27 fish traps per trip whereas St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen and Crucian fishermen hauled 68 and 26 fish traps per trip, respectively. The number of traps per string and soak time varied considerably across islands. In St. Croix, 84% of the respondents had a single trap per line, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John only 10% of the respondents had a single trap per line. Approximately, 43% of Puerto Rican fishermen used a single trap line. St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen soaked their traps for 6.9 days while Puerto Rican and Crucian fishermen soaked their traps for 5.7 and 3.6 days, respectively. The heterogeneity of the industry was also evidenced by the various economic surpluses generated. The survey illustrated that higher gross revenues did not necessarily translate into higher net revenues. Our analysis also showed that, on average, vessels in the trap fishery were able to cover their cash outlays, resulting in positive vessel income (i.e., financial profits). In Puerto Rico, annual financial profits ranged from $4,760 in the lowest trap tier to $32,467 in the highest tier, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John annual financial profits ranged from $3,744 in the lowest tier to $13,652 in the highest tier. In St. Croix, annual financial profits ranged between $9,229 and $15,781. The survey also showed that economic profits varied significantly across tiers. Economic profits measure residual income after deducting the remuneration required to keep the various factors of production in their existing employment. In Puerto Rico, annual economic profits ranged from ($9,339) in the lowest trap tier to $ 8,711 in the highest trap tier. In St. Thomas and St. John, annual economic profits ranged from ($7,920) in the highest tier to ($18,486) in the second highest tier. In St. Croix, annual economic profits ranged between ($7,453) to $10,674. The presence of positive financial profits and negative economic profits suggests that higher economic returns could be earned from a societal perspective by redirecting some of these scarce capital and human resources elsewhere in the economy. Furthermore, the presence of negative economic earnings is evidence that the fishery is overcapitalized and that steps need to be taken to ensure the long-run economic viability of the industry. The presence of positive financial returns provides managers with a window of opportunity to adopt policies that will strengthen the biological and economic performance of the fishery while minimizing any adverse impacts on local fishing communities. Finally, the document concludes by detailing how the costs and earnings information could be used to develop economic models that evaluate management proposals. (PDF contains 147 pages)

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ENGLISH: From morphometric data, tagging results and reaction of the stock to fishing, it is inferred that the yellowfin tuna of the Eastern Pacific form a distinct population which intermingles little, if at all, with populations to the westward. Excellent statistics of catch and effort, and records of total catch, available since 1934, during rapid growth of the fishery, have made possible application of a generalized mathematical predator-prey model to estimate the effect of fishing on the population, and the average abundance and yield corresponding to different amounts of fishing effort, and also to estimate the rate of fishing mortality per unit of effort. From serial samples of size composition of catches, and from tagging experiments, it has been possible to determine rates of growth and of total mortality. These kinds of information permit application of the catch-per-recruit model of Beverton and Holt. Combination of the results of application of the Beverton and Holt model and of the generalized predator-prey model, leads to inference of the relationship between stock size and recruitment. The form of the relationship is remarkably similar to the theoretical model developed by W. E. Ricker. These studies, based on the data of the near-surface fishery by baitboats and purse seiners, indicate clearly that the increased intensity of fishing has caused diminution of the stocks to the point where they are somewhat "overfished"-that is, incapable of supporting the maximum sustainable average harvest. SPANISH: De los datos morfométricos, de los resultados de las marcaciones y de la reacción del stock a la pesca, se infiere que el atún aleta amarilla del Pacífico oriental forma una población diferente que se mezcla poco, si es que llega a mezclarse, con las poblaciones del oeste. Las excelentes estadísticas de la captura y el esfuerzo y los registros de la pesca global disponibles desde 1934, durante el rápido crecimiento de la pesquería, han hecho posible la aplicación de un modelo matemático generalizado depredador-presa para estimar el efecto de la pesca en la población y el promedio de la abundancia y del rendimiento correspondientes a los diferentes valores del esfuerzo de pesca, y también para estimar la tasa de la mortalidad de pesca por unidad de esfuerzo. Gracias a las muestras en serie de la composición de tamaños de las capturas y a los experimentos de marcación, ha sido posible determinar las tasas del crecimiento y de la mortalidad total. Estos tipos de información permiten la aplicación del modelo de la captura-porrecluta de Beverton y Holt. La combinación de los resultados de la aplicación del modelo de Beverton y Holt y del modelo generalizado depredador-presa, conduce a la inferencia de la relación entre el tamaño del stock y el reclutamiento. La forma de la relación es notoriamente similar al modelo teórico desarrollado por W. E. Ricker. Estos estudios, basados en los datos de la pesquería cerca de la superficie efectuada por barcos de carnada y rederos, indican claramente que el aumento de la intensidad de la pesca ha causado la disminución de los stocks hasta el punto de dejarlos algo "superexplotados", o sea, incapacitados para mantener una producción máxima promedio. (PDF contains 50 pages.)

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After 20 annual meetings it is worth to have a look back and to see how it has started. There has been very little collaboration on research projects between member institutes under the auspices of WEFTA, co-operation in more neutral areas of common interest was developed at an early stage. The area which has proved very fruitful is methodology. It was agreed that probably the best way to make progress was to arrange meetings at each laboratory in turn where experienced, practising scientists could describe in detail how they carried out analyses. In this way, difficulties could be demonstrated or uncovered, and the accuracy, precision, efficiency and cost of the methods used in different laboratories could be compared.

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14 Laboratorien aus 12 europäischen Ländern nahmen an einer Laborvergleichsuntersuchung zur Stickstoffbestimmung in Fischerzeugnissen und Standardsubstanzen nach Kjeldahl teil. 13 Laboratorien erzielten dabei Ergebnisse, die alle in engen Grenzen um die gefundenen Mittelwerte streuten. Der von den einzelnen Teilnehmern erzielte Variationskoeffizient war mit etwa 0,5 % gering. Auch die Standardsubstanzen mit bekanntem Stickstoffgehalt konnten überwiegend mit hinreichender Genauigkeit (98 % der vom Hertsteller angegebenen Gehalte) analysiert werden. Der ideale Kjeldahlaufschluß ist durch kurze Aufschlußzeiten (ca. 120 min), eine Aufschlußtemperatur bei 430° C und durch die Wahl des für die jeweilige Matrix geeigneten Katalysators gekennzeichnet.

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This paper highlights the social and economic importance of coarse and stillwater trout fisheries and explains the UK Environment Agency's aim, its policies and processes, and its powers for managing and regulating these fisheries, concluding with reasoned proposals for change.

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This paper gives the results of the Environment Agency's research into the canal close season to the Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Review Group. It presents the findings of the research, explains why the research was undertaken and how it relates to the Agency's duties. The background for this report includes that angling representative bodies have long argued that the existing situation in which somecanals have a close season and others do not, is unsatisfactory.

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Two relatively inexpensive light traps to capture pre-settling reef fish and invertebrates are described. A trap made from a plastic bucket (with plastic bottles, a small plastic waste bin and two sheets of plywood) that costs US$15 appears to be just as effective as a large aluminium and plexiglass trap that costs US$275.

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Oysters, Crassostrea virginica, and softshell clams, Mya arenaria, along the Massachusetts coast were harvested by European colonists beginning in the 1600’s. By the 1700’s, official Commonwealth rules were established to regulate their harvests. In the final quarter of the 1800’s, commercial fishermen began harvesting northern quahogs, Mercenaria mercenaria, and northern bay scallops, Argopecten irradians irradians, and regulations established by the Massachusetts Legislature were applied to their harvests also. Constables (also termed wardens), whose salaries were paid by the local towns, enforced the regulations, which centered on restricting harvests to certain seasons, preventing seed from being taken, and personal daily limits on harvests. In 1933, the Massachusetts Legislature turned over shellfisheries management to individual towns. Local constables (wardens) enforced the rules. In the 1970’s, the Massachusetts Shellfish Officers Association was formed, and was officially incorporated in 2000, to help the constables deal with increasing environmental problems in estuaries where fishermen harvest mollusks. The constables’ stewardship of the molluscan resources and the estuarine environments and promotion of the fisheries has become increasingly complex.

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The northern rockfish, Sebastes polyspinis, is the second most abundant rockfish in Alaska, and it supports a valuable trawl fishery. Little information is available, however, on either the biology of this species or its commercial fishery. To provide a synopsis of information on northern rockfish in Alaska, this study examined data for this species from commercial fishery observations in 1990–98 and from fishery-independent trawl surveys in 1980–99. Nearly all the commercial catch came from bottom trawling, mostly by large factory-trawlers, although smaller shore-based trawlers in recent years took an increasing portion of the catch in the Gulf of Alaska. Most of the northern rockfish catch in the Gulf of Alaska was taken by a directed fishery, whereas that of the Aleutian Islands predominantly came as discarded bycatch in the Atka mackerel fishery. In both regions, most of the catch was taken from a number of relatively small and discrete fishing grounds at depths of 75–150 m in the Gulf of Alaska and 75–175 m in the Aleutian Islands. These grounds, especially in the Gulf of Alaska, are on shallow rises or banks located on the outer continental shelf, and often are surrounded by deeper water. Five fishing grounds were identified in the Gulf of Alaska, and eleven in the Aleutian Islands. One fishing ground in the Gulf of Alaska, the “Snakehead” south of Kodiak Island, accounted for 46% of the total northern rockfish catch in this region. Analysis of the survey data generally revealed similar patterns of geographic distribution as those seen in the fishery, although some of the commercial fishing grounds did not stand out as areas of special abundance in the surveys. The surveys also found two areas of abundance that were not evident in the fishery data. Relatively few juvenile northern rockfish were caught in any of the surveys, but those taken in the Gulf of Alaska tended to occur more inshore and at shallower depths than adults. Individual size of northern rockfish was substantially larger in the Gulf of Alaska than in the Aleutian Islands according to both fishery and survey data. Analysis of age data from each region supports this, as Gulf of Alaska fish were found to grow significantly faster and reach a larger maximum length than those in the Aleutian Islands. Sex ratio in the Gulf of Alaska was nearly 50:50, but females predominated in the Aleutian Islands by a ratio of 57:43. In both regions, size of females was significantly larger than males.

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This paper uses an industrial organization approach to trace the impact on Madeira Beach, Fla., and surrounding areas of a 1-month closure of the grouper fishery from 15 February 2001 to 15 March 2001. A proposed 2-month closure is also evaluated. This approach identifies the economic relationships in the industry based on both product and place. The empirical analysis measures the losses in employment and income, information that enriches social and anthropological research on fishery-dependent communities. The 1-month closure is estimated to have reduced annual catches landed in Madeira Beach by 9.7–10.1% and annual revenues by 9.3–11.5%. These reductions are associated with a direct loss of about 33 full-time (annualized) jobs and personal income losses between $8 and 12 million in Madeira Beach and Pinellas County over a 10-year period. If the closure occurs for 2 months, annual landings and revenues will be reduced an estimated 17–21% and 20–23%, respectively.

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