Structural and mechanistic motifs in membrane proteins: the three-dimensional modelling of rhodopsin, band 3, and the nicotinic acetylcholine receptor

Because so little is known about the structure of membrane proteins, an attempt has been made in this work to develop techniques by which to model them in three dimensions. The procedures devised rely heavily upon the availability of several sequences of a given protein. The modelling procedure is composed of two parts. The first identifies transmembrane regions within the protein sequence on the basis of hydrophobicity, β-turn potential, and the presence of certain amino acid types, specifically, proline and basic residues. The second part of the procedure arranges these transmembrane helices within the bilayer based upon the evolutionary conservation of their residues. Conserved residues are oriented toward other helices and variable residues are positioned to face the surrounding lipids. Available structural information concerning the protein's helical arrangement, including the lengths of interhelical loops, is also taken into account. Rhodopsin, band 3, and the nicotinic acetylcholine receptor have all been modelled using this methodology, and mechanisms of action could be proposed based upon the resulting structures.

Specific residues in the rhodopsin and iodopsin sequences were identified, which may regulate the proteins' wavelength selectivities. A hinge-like motion of helices M3, M4, and M5 with respect to the rest of the protein was proposed to result in the activation of transducin, the G-protein associated with rhodopsin. A similar mechanism is also proposed for signal transduction by the muscarinic acetylcholine and β-adrenergic receptors.

The nicotinic acetylcholine receptor was modelled with four trans-membrane helices per subunit and with the five homologous M2 helices forming the cation channel. Putative channel-lining residues were identified and a mechanism of channel-opening based upon the concerted, tangential rotation of the M2 helices was proposed.

Band 3, the anion exchange protein found in the erythrocyte membrane, was modelled with 14 transmembrane helices. In general the pathway of anion transport can be viewed as a channel composed of six helices that contains a single hydrophobic restriction. This hydrophobic region will not allow the passage of charged species, unless they are part of an ion-pair. An arginine residue located near this restriction is proposed to be responsible for anion transport. When ion-paired with a transportable anion it rotates across the barrier and releases the anion on the other side of the membrane. A similar process returns it to its original position. This proposed mechanism, based on the three-dimensional model, can account for the passive, electroneutral, anion exchange observed for band 3. Dianions can be transported through a similar mechanism with the additional participation of a histidine residue. Both residues are located on M10.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.