Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

Nuclear weak interaction rates during stellar evolution and collapse

Nuclear weak interaction rates, including electron and positron emission rates, and continuum electron and positron capture rates , as well as the associated v and –/v energy loss rates are calculated on a detailed grid of temperature and density for the free nucleons and 226 nuclei with masses between A = 21 and 60. Gamow-Teller and Fermi discrete-state transition matrix element systematics and the Gamow-Teller T^< →/← T^> resonance transitions are discussed in depth and are implemented in the stellar rate calculations. Results of the calculations are presented on an abbreviated grid of temperature and density and comparison is made to terrestrial weak transition rates where possible. Neutron shell blocking of allowed electron capture on heavy nuclei during stellar core collapse is discussed along with several unblocking mechanisms operative at high temperature and density. The results of one-zone collapse calculations are presented which suggest that the effect of neutron shell blocking is to produce a larger core lepton fraction at neutrino trapping which leads to a larger inner-core mass and hence a stronger post-bounce shock.

Techniques for strength measurement at high pressures and strain-rates using transverse waves

The study of the strength of a material is relevant to a variety of applications including automobile collisions, armor penetration and inertial confinement fusion. Although dynamic behavior of materials at high pressures and strain-rates has been studied extensively using plate impact experiments, the results provide measurements in one direction only. Material behavior that is dependent on strength is unaccounted for. The research in this study proposes two novel configurations to mitigate this problem.

The first configuration introduced is the oblique wedge experiment, which is comprised of a driver material, an angled target of interest and a backing material used to measure in-situ velocities. Upon impact, a shock wave is generated in the driver material. As the shock encounters the angled target, it is reflected back into the driver and transmitted into the target. Due to the angle of obliquity of the incident wave, a transverse wave is generated that allows the target to be subjected to shear while being compressed by the initial longitudinal shock such that the material does not slip. Using numerical simulations, this study shows that a variety of oblique wedge configurations can be used to study the shear response of materials and this can be extended to strength measurement as well. Experiments were performed on an oblique wedge setup with a copper impactor, polymethylmethacrylate driver, aluminum 6061-t6 target, and a lithium fluoride window. Particle velocities were measured using laser interferometry and results agree well with the simulations.

The second novel configuration is the y-cut quartz sandwich design, which uses the anisotropic properties of y-cut quartz to generate a shear wave that is transmitted into a thin sample. By using an anvil material to back the thin sample, particle velocities measured at the rear surface of the backing plate can be implemented to calculate the shear stress in the material and subsequently the strength. Numerical simulations were conducted to show that this configuration has the ability to measure the strength for a variety of materials.