7 resultados para Political strategy
em CaltechTHESIS
Resumo:
The first synthesis of the cembranoid natural product (±)-7,8-epoxy-4-basmen-6- one (1) is described. Key steps of the synthetic route include the cationic cyclization of the acid chloride from 15 to provide the macrocycle 16, and the photochemical transannular radical cyclization of the ester 41 to form the tricyclic product 50. Product 50 was transformed into 1 in ten steps. Transition-state molecular modeling studies were found to provide accurate predictions of the structural and stereochemical outcomes of cyclization reactions explored experimentally in the development of the synthetic route to 1. These investigations should prove valuable in the development of transannular cyclization as a strategy for synthetic simplification.
Resumo:
Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.
We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.
Resumo:
This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.
Resumo:
For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.
To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.
I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.
I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.
With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.
Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.
Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.
While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.
Resumo:
The diterpenoid constituents of the Isodon plants have attracted reasearchers interested in both their chemical structures and biological properties for more than a half-century. In recent years, the isolations of new members displaying previously unprecedented ring systems and highly selective biological properties have piqued interest from the synthetic community in this class of natural products.
Reported herein is the first total synthesis of such a recently isolated diterpenoid, (–)-maoecrystal Z. The principal transformations implemented in this synthesis include two highly diastereoselective radical cyclization reactions: a Sm(II)-mediated reductive cascade cyclization, which forms two rings and establishes four new stereocenters in a single step, and a Ti(III)-mediated reductive epoxide-acrylate coupling that yields a functionalized spirolactone product, which forms a core bicycle of maoecrystal Z.
The preparation of two additional ent-kauranoid natural products, (–)-trichorabdal A and (–)-longikaurin E, is also described from a derivative of this key spirolactone. These syntheses are additionally enabled by the palladium-mediated oxidative cyclization reaction of a silyl ketene acetal precursor that is used to install the bridgehead all-carbon quaternary stereocenter and bicyclo[3.2.1]octane present in each natural product. These studies have established a synthetic relationship among three architecturally distinct ent-kaurane diterpenoids and have forged a path for the preparation of interesting unnatural ent-kauranoid structural analogs for more thorough biological study.
Resumo:
Herein are described the total syntheses of all members of the transtaganolide and basiliolide natural product family. Utilitzation of an Ireland–Claisen rearrangement/Diels–Alder cycloaddition cascade (ICR/DA) allowed for rapid assembly of the transtaganolide and basiliolide oxabicyclo[2.2.2]octane core. This methodology is general and was applicable to all members of the natural product family.
A brief introduction outlines all the synthetic progress previously disclosed by Lee, Dudley, and Johansson. This also includes the initial syntheses of transtaganolides C and D, as well as basiliolide B and epi-basiliolide B accomplished by Stoltz in 2011. Lastly, we discuss our racemic synthesis of basililide C and epi-basiliolide C, which utilized an ICR/DA cascade to constuct the oxabicyclo[2.2.2]octane core and formal [5+2] annulation to form the ketene-acetal containing 7-membered C-ring.
Next, we describe a strategy for an asymmetric ICR/DA cascade, by incorporation of a chiral silane directing group. This allowed for enantioselective construction of the C8 all-carbon quaternary center formed in the Ireland–Claisen rearrangement. Furthermore, a single hydride reduction and subsequent translactonization of a C4 methylester bearing oxabicyclo[2.2.2]octane core demonstrated a viable strategy for the desired skeletal rearrangement to obtain pentacyclic transtaganolides A and B. Application of the asymmetric strategy culminated in the total syntheses of (–)-transtaganolide A, (+)-transtaganolide B, (+)-transtaganolide C, and (–)-transtaganolide D. Comparison of the optical rotation data of the synthetically derived transtaganolides to that from the isolated counterparts has overarching biosynthetic implications which are discussed.
Lastly, improvement to the formal [5+2] annulation strategy is described. Negishi cross-coupling of methoxyethynyl zinc chloride using a palladium Xantphos catalyst is optimized for iodo-cyclohexene. Application of this technology to an iodo-pyrone geranyl ester allowed for formation and isolation of the eneyne product. Hydration of the enenye product forms natural metabolite basiliopyrone. Furthermore, the eneyne product can undergo an ICR/DA cascade and form transtaganolides C and D in a single step from an achiral monocyclic precursor.
Resumo:
This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.
The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.
Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.
Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.