Trapped ion magnetic resonance: concepts and designs

A novel spectroscopy of trapped ions is proposed which will bring single-ion detection sensitivity to the observation of magnetic resonance spectra. The approaches developed here are aimed at resolving one of the fundamental problems of molecular spectroscopy, the apparent incompatibility in existing techniques between high information content (and therefore good species discrimination) and high sensitivity. Methods for studying both electron spin resonance (ESR) and nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) are designed. They assume established methods for trapping ions in high magnetic field and observing the trapping frequencies with high resolution (<1 Hz) and sensitivity (single ion) by electrical means. The introduction of a magnetic bottle field gradient couples the spin and spatial motions together and leads to a small spin-dependent force on the ion, which has been exploited by Dehmelt to observe directly the perturbation of the ground-state electron's axial frequency by its spin magnetic moment.

A series of fundamental innovations is described m order to extend magnetic resonance to the higher masses of molecular ions (100 amu = 2x 10^5 electron masses) and smaller magnetic moments (nuclear moments = 10^(-3) of the electron moment). First, it is demonstrated how time-domain trapping frequency observations before and after magnetic resonance can be used to make cooling of the particle to its ground state unnecessary. Second, adiabatic cycling of the magnetic bottle off between detection periods is shown to be practical and to allow high-resolution magnetic resonance to be encoded pointwise as the presence or absence of trapping frequency shifts. Third, methods of inducing spindependent work on the ion orbits with magnetic field gradients and Larmor frequency irradiation are proposed which greatly amplify the attainable shifts in trapping frequency.

The dissertation explores the basic concepts behind ion trapping, adopting a variety of classical, semiclassical, numerical, and quantum mechanical approaches to derive spin-dependent effects, design experimental sequences, and corroborate results from one approach with those from another. The first proposal presented builds on Dehmelt's experiment by combining a "before and after" detection sequence with novel signal processing to reveal ESR spectra. A more powerful technique for ESR is then designed which uses axially synchronized spin transitions to perform spin-dependent work in the presence of a magnetic bottle, which also converts axial amplitude changes into cyclotron frequency shifts. A third use of the magnetic bottle is to selectively trap ions with small initial kinetic energy. A dechirping algorithm corrects for undesired frequency shifts associated with damping by the measurement process.

The most general approach presented is spin-locked internally resonant ion cyclotron excitation, a true continuous Stern-Gerlach effect. A magnetic field gradient modulated at both the Larmor and cyclotron frequencies is devised which leads to cyclotron acceleration proportional to the transverse magnetic moment of a coherent state of the particle and radiation field. A preferred method of using this to observe NMR as an axial frequency shift is described in detail. In the course of this derivation, a new quantum mechanical description of ion cyclotron resonance is presented which is easily combined with spin degrees of freedom to provide a full description of the proposals.

Practical, technical, and experimental issues surrounding the feasibility of the proposals are addressed throughout the dissertation. Numerical ion trajectory simulations and analytical models are used to predict the effectiveness of the new designs as well as their sensitivity and resolution. These checks on the methods proposed provide convincing evidence of their promise in extending the wealth of magnetic resonance information to the study of collisionless ions via single-ion spectroscopy.

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

Four essays on the empirical analysis of political ideology

This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

Death or taxes? The political economy of sanitation expenditure in nineteenth-century Britain

This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.

The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.

Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.

Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.