Conditional independence in quantum many-body systems

In this thesis, I will discuss how information-theoretic arguments can be used to produce sharp bounds in the studies of quantum many-body systems. The main advantage of this approach, as opposed to the conventional field-theoretic argument, is that it depends very little on the precise form of the Hamiltonian. The main idea behind this thesis lies on a number of results concerning the structure of quantum states that are conditionally independent. Depending on the application, some of these statements are generalized to quantum states that are approximately conditionally independent. These structures can be readily used in the studies of gapped quantum many-body systems, especially for the ones in two spatial dimensions. A number of rigorous results are derived, including (i) a universal upper bound for a maximal number of topologically protected states that is expressed in terms of the topological entanglement entropy, (ii) a first-order perturbation bound for the topological entanglement entropy that decays superpolynomially with the size of the subsystem, and (iii) a correlation bound between an arbitrary local operator and a topological operator constructed from a set of local reduced density matrices. I also introduce exactly solvable models supported on a three-dimensional lattice that can be used as a reliable quantum memory.

Engineering nucleic acid mechanisms for regulation and readout of gene expression : conditional Dicer substrate formation and sensitive multiplexed northern blots

Nucleic acids are most commonly associated with the genetic code, transcription and gene expression. Recently, interest has grown in engineering nucleic acids for biological applications such as controlling or detecting gene expression. The natural presence and functionality of nucleic acids within living organisms coupled with their thermodynamic properties of base-pairing make them ideal for interfacing (and possibly altering) biological systems. We use engineered small conditional RNA or DNA (scRNA, scDNA, respectively) molecules to control and detect gene expression. Three novel systems are presented: two for conditional down-regulation of gene expression via RNA interference (RNAi) and a third system for simultaneous sensitive detection of multiple RNAs using labeled scRNAs.

RNAi is a powerful tool to study genetic circuits by knocking down a gene of interest. RNAi executes the logic: If gene Y is detected, silence gene Y. The fact that detection and silencing are restricted to the same gene means that RNAi is constitutively on. This poses a significant limitation when spatiotemporal control is needed. In this work, we engineered small nucleic acid molecules that execute the logic: If mRNA X is detected, form a Dicer substrate that targets independent mRNA Y for silencing. This is a step towards implementing the logic of conditional RNAi: If gene X is detected, silence gene Y. We use scRNAs and scDNAs to engineer signal transduction cascades that produce an RNAi effector molecule in response to hybridization to a nucleic acid target X. The first mechanism is solely based on hybridization cascades and uses scRNAs to produce a double-stranded RNA (dsRNA) Dicer substrate against target gene Y. The second mechanism is based on hybridization of scDNAs to detect a nucleic acid target and produce a template for transcription of a short hairpin RNA (shRNA) Dicer substrate against target gene Y. Test-tube studies for both mechanisms demonstrate that the output Dicer substrate is produced predominantly in the presence of a correct input target and is cleaved by Dicer to produce a small interfering RNA (siRNA). Both output products can lead to gene knockdown in tissue culture. To date, signal transduction is not observed in cells; possible reasons are explored.

Signal transduction cascades are composed of multiple scRNAs (or scDNAs). The need to study multiple molecules simultaneously has motivated the development of a highly sensitive method for multiplexed northern blots. The core technology of our system is the utilization of a hybridization chain reaction (HCR) of scRNAs as the detection signal for a northern blot. To achieve multiplexing (simultaneous detection of multiple genes), we use fluorescently tagged scRNAs. Moreover, by using radioactive labeling of scRNAs, the system exhibits a five-fold increase, compared to the literature, in detection sensitivity. Sensitive multiplexed northern blot detection provides an avenue for exploring the fate of scRNAs and scDNAs in tissue culture.

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

The federal photovoltaics commercialization program

The dissertation presents a political and economic history of the federal government's program to commercialize photovoltaic energy for terrestrial use. Chapter 1 is a detailed history of the program. Chapter 2 is a brief review of the Congressional roll call voting literature. Chapter 3 develops PV benefit measures at the state and Congressional district level necessary for an econometric analysis of PV roll call voting. Chapter 4 presents the econometric analysis.

Because PV power was considerably more expensive than conventional power, the program was designed to make PV a significant power source in the long term, emphasizing research and development, although sizeable amounts have been spent for procurement (direct government purchases and indirectly through tax credits). The decentralized R and D program pursued alternative approaches in parallel, with subsequent funding dependent on earlier progress. Funding rose rapidly in the 1970s before shrinking in the 1980s. Tax credits were introduced in 1978, with the last of the credits due to expire this year.

Major issues in the program have been the appropriate magnitude of demonstrations and government procurement, whether decentralized, residential use or centralized utility generation would first be economic, the role of storage in PV, and the role of PV in a utility's generation mix.

Roll call voting on solar energy (all votes analyzed occurred from 1975-1980) was influenced in a cross-sectional sense by all the influences predicted: party and ideology, local economic benefits of the technology, local PV federal spending and manufacturing, and appropriations committee membership. The cross-sectional results for ideology are consistent with the strongly ideological character of solar energy politics and the timing of funding increases and decreases discussed in Chapter 1. Local PV spending and manufacturing was less significant than ideology or the economic benefits of the technology. Because time series analysis of the votes was not possible, it is not possible to test the role of economic benefits to the nation as a whole.

Towards conditional RNAi : shape and sequence transduction with small conditional RNAs

RNA interference (RNAi) is a powerful biological pathway allowing for sequence-specific knockdown of any gene of interest. While RNAi is a proven tool for probing gene function in biological circuits, it is limited by being constitutively ON and executes the logical operation: silence gene Y. To provide greater control over post-transcriptional gene silencing, we propose engineering a biological logic gate to implement “conditional RNAi.” Such a logic gate would silence gene Y only upon the expression of gene X, a completely unrelated gene, executing the logic: if gene X is transcribed, silence independent gene Y. Silencing of gene Y could be confined to a specific time and/or tissue by appropriately selecting gene X.

To implement the logic of conditional RNAi, we present the design and experimental validation of three nucleic acid self-assembly mechanisms which detect a sub-sequence of mRNA X and produce a Dicer substrate specific to gene Y. We introduce small conditional RNAs (scRNAs) to execute the signal transduction under isothermal conditions. scRNAs are small RNAs which change conformation, leading to both shape and sequence signal transduction, in response to hybridization to an input nucleic acid target. While all three conditional RNAi mechanisms execute the same logical operation, they explore various design alternatives for nucleic acid self-assembly pathways, including the use of duplex and monomer scRNAs, stable versus metastable reactants, multiple methods of nucleation, and 3-way and 4-way branch migration.

We demonstrate the isothermal execution of the conditional RNAi mechanisms in a test tube with recombinant Dicer. These mechanisms execute the logic: if mRNA X is detected, produce a Dicer substrate targeting independent mRNA Y. Only the final Dicer substrate, not the scRNA reactants or intermediates, is efficiently processed by Dicer. Additional work in human whole-cell extracts and a model tissue-culture system delves into both the promise and challenge of implementing conditional RNAi in vivo.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.