9 resultados para Reality

em Universidad Politécnica de Madrid


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Augmented reality (AR) is been increasingly used in mobile devices. Most of the available applications are set to work outdoors, mainly due to the availability of a reliable positioning system. Nevertheless, indoor (smart) spaces offer a lot of opportunities of creating new service concepts. In particular, in this paper we explore the applicability of mobile AR to hospitality environments (hotels and similar establishments). From the state-of-the-art of technologies and applications, a portfolio of services has been identified and a prototype using off-the-shelf technologies has been designed. Our objective is to identify the next technological challenges to overcome in order to have suitable underlying infrastructures and innovative services which enhance the traveller?s experience.

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Nowadays, a wide offer of mobile augmented reality (mAR) applications is available at the market, and the user base of mobile AR-capable devices -smartphones- is rapidly increasing. Nevertheless, likewise to what happens in other mobile segments, business models to put mAR in value are not clearly defined yet. In this paper, we focus on sketching the big picture of the commercial offer of mAR applications, in order to inspire a posterior analysis of business models that may successfully support the evolution of mAR. We have gathered more than 400 mAR applications from Android Market, and analyzed the offer as a whole, taking into account some technology aspects, pricing schemes and user adoption factors. Results show, for example, that application providers are not expecting to generate revenues per direct download, although they are producing high-quality applications, well rated by the users.

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This paper presents a methodology for the incorporation of a Virtual Reality development applied to the teaching of manufacturing processes, namely the group of machining processes in numerical control of machine tools. The paper shows how it is possible to supplement the teaching practice through virtual machine-tools whose operation is similar to the 'real' machines while eliminating the risks of use for both users and the machines.

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Augmented reality (AR) commonly uses markers for detection and tracking. Such multimedia applications associate each marker with a virtual 3D model stored in the memory of the camera-equipped device running the application. Application users are limited in their interactions, which require knowing how to design and program 3D objects. This generally prevents them from developing their own entertainment AR applications. The Magic Cards application solves this problem by offering an easy way to create and manage an unlimited number of virtual objects that are encoded on special markers.

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A spatial-color-based non-parametric background-foreground modeling strategy in a GPGPU by using CUDA is proposed. This strategy is suitable for augmented-reality applications, providing real-time high-quality results in a great variety of scenarios.

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The last generation of consumer electronic devices is endowed with Augmented Reality (AR) tools. These tools require moving object detection strategies, which should be fast and efficient, to carry out higher level object analysis tasks. We propose a lightweight spatio-temporal-based non-parametric background-foreground modeling strategy in a General Purpose Graphics Processing Unit (GPGPU), which provides real-time high-quality results in a great variety of scenarios and is suitable for AR applications.

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En el día de hoy nos enfrentamos a una serie de desafíos económicos, geopolíticos y ambientales que apuntan hacia una transformación profunda del mundo tal y como lo conocemos. La arquitectura esta – siempre lo ha estado – imbricada en todos estos problemas. En nuestra actual condición de recursos limitados e injusticia global surge la necesidad de superar la dicotomía entre progreso y tradición, entre innovación y preservación – la urgencia de redefinir incluso cada uno de estos términos. Los tipos de crisis que encaramos ahora no se resolverán con mas tecnología y más crecimiento – se necesita también una profunda reevaluación de nuestros sistemas de valores e incluso de nuestra sensibilidad. En este contexto, la humilde contribución de esta tesis consiste en proponer la idea de un realismo en arquitectura, entendido como una actitud progresista y atenta a lo que ya existe, dispuesta a abrir los ojos al presente, a las condiciones y los problemas reales que nos rodean. Pensando en esta idea, resulta evidente que si bien el realismo carece de una definición clara en el campo de la arquitectura hoy, cuenta sin embargo con numerosos precedentes parciales, entre ellos algunos de los más notorios episodios de la historia de la arquitectura reciente. Al intentar confeccionar una lista provisional de arquitectos realistas en el último siglo, otro hecho se nos presenta: muchos, por no decir todos estos arquitectos, comparten una fijación por la fotografía, bien apropiándose del trabajo de fotógrafos contemporáneos, bien tomando sus propias imágenes como una forma de mirar fuera de sus estudios e incorporar la realidad del medio construido a sus proyectos. Parece entonces lógico pensar que la arquitectura, como disciplina visual, ha acudido a otra disciplina visual en búsqueda de su propia respuesta al problema del realismo – dentro de este campo la fotografía reverbera con la arquitectura especialmente, ya que ambas son consideradas simultáneamente como practicas utilitarias y como parte de las bellas artes. Parece entonces lógico el organizar la investigación como una serie de casos, con la esperanza de que la acumulación de diversas instancias en las que la arquitectura ha acudido a la fotografía en su búsqueda de un realismo arrojara luz sobre las ideas más generales a debate. Por tanto, cada uno de los episodios en este texto se examina en sus propios términos, si bien una serie de interconexiones emergen a medida que el estudio procede con un suave orden cronológico. Hacia el final del texto cuestiones más grandes recobran protagonismo, a medida que las repercusiones políticas de nuestro estudio se hacen más patentes y comenzamos a interrogar las implicaciones contemporáneas y el potencial futuro de nuestra discusión sobre el realismo. ABSTRACT Today we are faced with a series of economic, geopolitical and environmental challenges that outline a deep transformation of the world as we know it. Architecture is – it has always been – ingrained in all of these problems. In our current condition of limited resources and global inequalities there is a necessity to overcome the dichotomy between progress and tradition, between innovation and preservation – an urgency to even redefine these terms altogether. The types of crises that we are facing will not be solved with more technology and more growth – a deep reevaluation of our systems of values and our sensibilities are also needed. In this context, the humble contribution of this text is to put forward the idea of an architectural realism, understood as an attitude that is both progressive and attentive to what is already in place, willing to open its eyes to the present and accept the real conditions and problems around us. In thinking about this prospect, it immediately becomes apparent that even if realism lacks a clear definition in the field of architecture today, there are numerous partial precedents for it, among them some of the most notorious episodes in the recent history of architecture. In crafting a tentative list of realist architects in the last century, another realization takes place: many, not to say all of these architects, have had a fixation with photography, either appropriating the work of contemporary photographers or taking photographs themselves as a way to look out their windows and bring the reality of the built environment into their practices. It seems then logical to think that architecture, as a visual discipline, has looked to other visual disciplines in search for its own take on the problem of realism – within this field, photography specially resonates with architecture, since both are regarded simultaneously as utilitarian practices and belonging to the fine arts. The idea then becomes to organize the research as a series of cases, with the hope that the accumulation of diverse instances in which architecture has approached photography in its realist drive will shed some light on the larger ideas at stake. Therefore, each of the episodes in this text is examined on its own terms, with a series of interconnections slowly emerging as our survey proceeds with a soft chronologic order. Towards the end of the study, larger issues regain relevance as the political repercussions of our inquiry become more pressing and we start to question the contemporary implications and future potentials of our discussion on realism.

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While a number of virtual data-gloves have been used in stroke, there is little evidence about their use in spinal cord injury (SCI). A pilot clinical experience with nine SCI subjects was performed comparing two groups: one carried out a virtual rehabilitation training based on the use of a data glove, CyberTouch combined with traditional rehabilitation, during 30 minutes a day twice a week along two weeks; while the other made only conventional rehabilitation. Furthermore, two functional indexes were developed in order to assess the patient’s performance of the sessions: normalized trajectory lengths and repeatability. While differences between groups were not statistically significant, the data-glove group seemed to obtain better results in the muscle balance and functional parameters, and in the dexterity, coordination and fine grip tests. Related to the indexes that we implemented, normalized trajectory lengths and repeatability, every patient showed an improvement in at least one of the indexes, either along Y-axis trajectory or Z-axis trajectory. This study might be a step in investigating new ways of treatments and objective measures in order to obtain more accurate data about the patient’s evolution, allowing the clinicians to develop rehabilitation treatments, adapted to the abilities and needs of the patients.

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En las últimas tres décadas, las dinámicas de restructuración económica a nivel global han redefinido radicalmente el papel de las ciudades. La transición del keynesianismo al neoliberalismo ha provocado un cambio en las políticas urbanas de los gobiernos municipales, que han abandonado progresivamente las tareas de regulación y redistribución para centrarse en la promoción del crecimiento económico y la competitividad. En este contexto, muchas voces críticas han señalado que la regeneración urbana se ha convertido en un vehículo de extracción de valor de la ciudad y está provocando la expulsión de los ciudadanos más vulnerables. Sin embargo, la regeneración de áreas consolidadas supone también una oportunidad de mejora de las condiciones de vida de la población residente, y es una política necesaria para controlar la expansión de la ciudad y reducir las necesidades de desplazamiento, promoviendo así ciudades más sostenibles. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana es clave en el resultado final de las operaciones y determina el modelo de ciudad resultante, el objetivo de esta investigación es verificar si la regeneración urbana es necesariamente un mecanismo de extracción de valor o si puede mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades a través de la participación de los ciudadanos. Para ello, propone un marco de análisis del proceso de toma de decisiones en los planes de regeneración urbana y su impacto en los resultados de los planes, tomando como caso de estudio la ciudad de Boston, que desde los años 1990 trata de convertirse en una “ciudad de los barrios”, fomentando la participación ciudadana al tiempo que se posiciona en la escena económica global. El análisis se centra en dos operaciones de regeneración iniciadas a finales de los años 1990. Por un lado, el caso de Jackson Square nos permite comprender el papel de la sociedad civil y el tercer sector en la regeneración de los barrios más desfavorecidos, en un claro ejemplo de urbanismo “desde abajo” (bottom-up planning). Por otro, la reconversión del frente marítimo de South Boston para la construcción del Distrito de Innovación nos acerca a las grandes operaciones de regeneración urbana con fines de estímulo económico, tradicionalmente vinculadas a los centros financieros (downtown) y dirigidas por las élites gubernamentales y económicas (la growth machine) a través de procesos más tecnocráticos (top-down planning). La metodología utilizada consiste en el análisis cualitativo de los procesos de toma de decisiones y la relación entre los agentes implicados, así como de la evaluación de la implementación de dichas decisiones y su influencia en el modelo urbano resultante. El análisis de los casos permite afirmar que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana influye decisivamente en el resultado final de las intervenciones; sin embargo, la participación de la comunidad local en la toma de decisiones no es suficiente para que el resultado de la regeneración urbana contrarreste los efectos de la neoliberalización, especialmente si se limita a la fase de planeamiento y no se extiende a la fase de ejecución, y si no está apoyada por una movilización política de mayor alcance que asegure una acción pública redistributiva. Asimismo, puede afirmarse que los procesos de regeneración urbana suponen una redefinición del modelo de ciudad, dado que la elección de los espacios de intervención tiene consecuencias sobre el equilibrio territorial de la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación tienen implicaciones para la disciplina del planeamiento urbano. Por una parte, se confirma la vigencia del paradigma del “urbanismo negociado”, si bien bajo discursos de liderazgo público y sin apelación al protagonismo del sector privado. Por otra parte, la planificación colaborativa en un contexto de “responsabilización” de las organizaciones comunitarias puede desactivar la potencia política de la participación ciudadana y servir como “amortiguador” hacia el gobierno local. Asimismo, la sustitución del planeamiento general como instrumento de definición de la ciudad futura por una planificación oportunista basada en la actuación en áreas estratégicas que tiren del resto de la ciudad, no permite definir un modelo coherente y consensuado de la ciudad que se desea colectivamente, ni permite utilizar el planeamiento como mecanismo de redistribución. ABSTRACT In the past three decades, the dynamics of global economic restructuring have radically redefined the role of cities. The transition from keynesianism to neoliberalism has caused a shift in local governments’ urban policies, which have progressively abandoned the tasks of regulation and redistribution to focus on promoting economic growth and competitiveness. In this context, many critics have pointed out that urban regeneration has become a vehicle for extracting value from the city and is causing the expulsion of the most vulnerable citizens. However, regeneration of consolidated areas is also an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the resident population, and is a necessary policy to control the expansion of the city and reduce the need for transportation, thus promoting more sustainable cities. Assuming that the governance of urban regeneration processes is key to the final outcome of the plans and determines the resulting city model, the goal of this research is to verify whether urban regeneration is necessarily a value extraction mechanism or if it can improve the quality of life in cities through citizens’ participation. It proposes a framework for analysis of decision-making in urban regeneration processes and their impact on the results of the plans, taking as a case study the city of Boston, which since the 1990s is trying to become a "city of neighborhoods", encouraging citizen participation, while seeking to position itself in the global economic scene. The analysis focuses on two redevelopment plans initiated in the late 1990s. The Jackson Square case allows us to understand the role of civil society and the third sector in the regeneration of disadvantaged neighborhoods, in a clear example of bottom-up planning. On the contrary, the conversion of the South Boston waterfront to build the Innovation District takes us to the big redevelopment efforts with economic stimulus’ goals, traditionally linked to downtowns and led by government and economic elites (the local “growth machine”) through more technocratic processes (top-down planning). The research is based on a qualitative analysis of the processes of decision making and the relationship between those involved, as well as the evaluation of the implementation of those decisions and their influence on the resulting urban model. The analysis suggests that the governance of urban regeneration processes decisively influences the outcome of interventions; however, community engagement in the decision-making process is not enough for the result of the urban regeneration to counteract the effects of neoliberalization, especially if it is limited to the planning phase and does not extend to the implementation of the projects, and if it is not supported by a broader political mobilization to ensure a redistributive public action. Moreover, urban regeneration processes redefine the urban model, since the choice of intervention areas has important consequences for the territorial balance of the city. The results of this study have implications for the discipline of urban planning. On the one hand, it confirms the validity of the "negotiated planning" paradigm, albeit under public leadership discourse and without a direct appeal to the leadership role of the private sector. On the other hand, collaborative planning in a context of "responsibilization" of community based organizations can deactivate the political power of citizen participation and serve as a "buffer" towards the local government. Furthermore, the replacement of comprehensive planning, as a tool for defining the city's future, by an opportunistic planning based on intervention in strategic areas that are supposed to induce change in the rest of the city, does not allow a coherent and consensual urban model that is collectively desired, nor it allows to use planning as a redistribution mechanism.