895 resultados para Social discourse


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This present research aims to understand the concept of homosexuality as a social creation that comes permeated by the discourses of sexuality devices. It discusses the issue of homosexuality with a focus on works of Michel Foucault, in special The History of Sexuality, where the author emphasizes that homosexuality as a social construct that manifests itself during the nineteenth century. From the Foucauldian discourse, it is proposed to understand and analyze the creation of the concept of homosexuality, which is built around the subordination of the individual as a social agent, or the creation of homosexuality does not refer to sexual intercourse between individuals of the same sex, but a social subject and the position it takes in society. So along with the birth of the homosexual individual, there is also the construction of the individual as a social subject, as being, homosexuality and homosexual subject are products of overlapping powerculture. When addressing this theme, it breaks the hegemony that seeks to characterize naturalized of sexuality and, consequently, homosexuality, born with the original speeches on medical and psychiatric couches, in which one perceives the role of power in the discourses deploying the truths aimed at sexuality. With this, there has been an argument that seeks to refute the eugenics that includes sexuality as something natural, instituting a homosexual as a guy born hostage to a bad genetic and abnormal who should be treated for their disease, and understand this individual as a product of social discourse

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In the 29 years following \"Our Common Future\" by the United Nations, there is considerable debate among governments, civil society, interest groups and business organisations about what constitutes sustainable development, which constitutes evidence for a contested discourse concerning sustainability. The purpose of this study is to understand this debate in the developing economic context of Brazil, and in particular, to understand and critique the social and environmental accounting [SEA] discursive constructions relating to the State-owned, Petrobras as well as to understand the Brazilian literature on SEA. The discourse theory [DT]-based analysis employs rhetorical redescription to analyse twenty-two reports from Petrobras from 2004-2013. I investigate the political notions by employing the methodological framework of the Logics of Critical Explanation [LCE]. LCE engenders five methodological steps: problematisation, retroduction, logics (social, political and fantasmatic), articulation and critique. The empirical discussion suggests that the hegemony of economic development operates to obfuscate, rhetorically, the development of sustainability, so as to maintain the core business of Petrobras conceived as capital accumulation. Equally, these articulations also illustrate how the constructions of SEA operate to serve the company\'s purpose with few (none) profound changes in integration of sustainability. The Brazilian literature on SEA sustains the status quo of neo-liberal market policies that operate to protect the dominant business case approach to maintain an agenda of wealth-creation in relation to social and environmental needs. The articulations of the case manifested in policies regarding, for example, corruption, which involved over-payments for contracts and unsustainable practices relating to the use of fossil fuels and demonstrated that there was antagonism between action and disclosure. The corruption scandal that emerged after SEA disclosures highlighted the rhetorical nature of disclosure when financial resources were subtracted from the company for political parties and engineering contractors hid facts through incomplete disclosures. The articulations of SEA misrepresent a broader context of the meanings associated with sustainability, which restricted the constructions of SEA to principally serve and represent the intention of the most powerful groups. The significance of SEA, then is narrowed to represent particular interests. The study argues for more critical studies as limited Brazilian literature concerning SEA kept a \'safe distance\' from substantively critiquing the constructions of SEA and its articulations in the Brazilian context. The literature review and the Petrobras\' case illustrate a variety of naming, instituting and articulatory practices that endeavour to maintain the current hegemony of development in an emerging economy, which allows Petrobras to continue to exercise significant profit at the expense of the social and environmental. The constructed idea of development in Petrobras\' discourses emphasises a rhetoric of wider development, but, in reality, these discourses were the antithesis of political, social and ethical developmental issues. These constructions aim to hide struggles between social inequalities and exploitation of natural resources and constitute excuses about a fanciful notion of rhetorical and hegemonic neo-liberal development. In summary, this thesis contributes to the prior literature in five ways: (i) the addition of DT to the analysis of SEA enhances the discussion of political elements such as hegemony, antagonism, logic of equivalence/difference, ideology and articulation; (ii) the analysis of an emerging economy such as Brazil incorporates a new perspective of the discussion of the discourses of SEA and development; (iii) this thesis includes a focus on rhetoric to discuss the maintenance of the status quo; (iv) the holistic structure of the LCE approach enlarges the understanding of the social, political and fantasmatic logics of SEA studies and; (v) this thesis combines an analysis of the literature and the case of Petrobras to characterise and critique the state of the Brazilian academy and its impacts and reflections on the significance of SEA. This thesis, therefore, argues for more critical studies in the Brazilian academy due to the persistence of idea of SEA and development that takes-for-granted deep exclusions and contradictions and provide little space for critiques.

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The assertion about the peculiarly intricate and complex character of social phenomena has, in much of social discourse, a virtually uncontested tradition. A significant part of the premise about the complexity of social phenomena is the conviction that it complicates, perhaps even inhibits the development and application of social scientific knowledge. Our paper explores the origins, the basis and the consequences of this assertion and asks in particular whether the classic complexity assertion still deserves to be invoked in analyses that ask about the production and the utilization of social scientific knowledge in modern society. We refer to one of the most prominent and politically influential social scientific theories, John Maynard Keynes' economic theory as an illustration. We conclude that, the practical value of social scientific knowledge is not necessarily dependent on a faithful, in the sense of complete, representation of (complex) social reality. Practical knowledge is context sensitive if not project bound. Social scientific knowledge that wants to optimize its practicality has to attend and attach itself to elements of practical social situations that can be altered or are actionable by relevant actors. This chapter represents an effort to re-examine the relation between social reality, social scientific knowledge and its practical application. There is a widely accepted view about the potential social utility of social scientific knowledge that invokes the peculiar complexity of social reality as an impediment to good theoretical comprehension and hence to its applicability.

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Economic policy-making has long been more integrated than social policy-making in part because the statistics and much of the analysis that supports economic policy are based on a common conceptual framework – the system of national accounts. People interested in economic analysis and economic policy share a common language of communication, one that includes both concepts and numbers. This paper examines early attempts to develop a system of social statistics that would mirror the system of national accounts, particular the work on the development of social accounts that took place mainly in the 60s and 70s. It explores the reasons why these early initiatives failed but argues that the preconditions now exist to develop a new conceptual framework to support integrated social statistics – and hence a more coherent, effective social policy. Optimism is warranted for two reasons. First, we can make use of the radical transformation that has taken place in information technology both in processing data and in providing wide access to the knowledge that can flow from the data. Second, the conditions exist to begin to shift away from the straight jacket of government-centric social statistics, with its implicit assumption that governments must be the primary actors in finding solutions to social problems. By supporting the decision-making of all the players (particularly individual citizens) who affect social trends and outcomes, we can start to move beyond the sterile, ideological discussions that have dominated much social discourse in the past and begin to build social systems and structures that evolve, almost automatically, based on empirical evidence of ‘what works best for whom’. The paper describes a Canadian approach to developing a framework, or common language, to support the evolution of an integrated, citizen-centric system of social statistics and social analysis. This language supports the traditional social policy that we have today; nothing is lost. However, it also supports a quite different social policy world, one where individual citizens and families (not governments) are seen as the central players – a more empirically-driven world that we have referred to as the ‘enabling society’.

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The genre of narratives has become the genre of choice in many classrooms since the introduction of NAPLAN into Australian schools. Yet, Knapp and Watkins (2005) argue that narratives are the least understood of all the genres. Despite wide-spread acceptance that narratives serve the social purpose of entertaining, they can also be more edgy, offering a powerful social or information role. This paper considers the effects of exposing novices to less standard realms of social discourse and disciplinary knowledge vis-a-vis a more clinical treatment focused on ‘standard’ narratives. I argue that we should not shy away from the challenges of edgy narratives just because our students are novice readers. The same holds true for our work in communities on the edge, that is where poverty, multiculturalism or multilingualism and systemic failure are the norm. I am part of an Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant (LP 0990289) working in such a community. Like many such situations, teachers in these communities are caught in the fray of establishing a dialogue between the culture of federally mandated performance orientated reforms and the cultures and discourses of the lives and future needs of their students (see Exley & Singh, in press).

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This paper examines the use of metaphors in collective meaning-making in the work of managers and leaders of megaprojects, drawing on interviews with thirty-three leaders of complex projects in a case study organisation responsible for the delivery of major acquisitions. Recognising the notion of both contextualised and decontextualised approaches to either seeking to elicit or project metaphors, the paper describes the various ways in practising project leaders describe their work and the synergies these metaphors have with the broader social discourse and theorisation around complexity and the language of complex adaptive systems. The paper presents our case study findings where we outline our typology of meta-metaphors describing project leaders’ multiple roles and our interpretation of the significance of these choices.

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A year ago, I became aware of the historical existence of the group CERFI— Le centre d’etudes, de recherches, et de formation institutionelles, or The Study Center for Institutional Research and Formation. CERFI emerged in 1967 under the hand of Lacanian psychiatrist and Trotskyite activist Félix Guattari, whose antonymous journal Recherches chronicled the group’s subversive experiences, experiments, and government-sponsored urban projects. It was a singularly bizarre meeting of the French bureaucracy with militant activist groups, the French intelligentsia, and architectural and planning practitioners at the close of the ‘60s. Nevertheless, CERFI’s analysis of the problems of society was undertaken precisely from the perspective of the state, and the Institute acknowledged a “deep complicity between the intellectual and statesman ... because the first critics of the State, are officials themselves!”1 CERFI developed out of FGERI (The Federation of Groups for Institutional Study and Research), started by Guattari two years earlier. While FGERI was created for the analysis of mental institutions stemming from Guattari’s work at La Borde, an experimental psychiatric clinic, CERFI marks the group’s shift toward urbanism—to the interrogation of the city itself. Not only a platform for radical debate on architecture and the city, CERFI was a direct agent in the development of urban planning schemata for new towns in France. 2 CERFI’s founding members were Guattari, the economist and urban theorist François Fourquet, feminist philosopher Liane Mozère, and urban planner and editor of Multitides Anne Querrien—Guattari’s close friend and collaborator. The architects Antoine Grumback, Alain Fabre, Macary, and Janine Joutel were also members, as well as urbanists Bruno Fortier, Rainier Hoddé, and Christian de Portzamparc. 3 CERFI was the quintessential social project of post-‘68 French urbanism. Located on the Far Left and openly opposed to the Communist Party, this Trotskyist cooperative was able to achieve what other institutions, according to Fourquet, with their “customary devices—the politburo, central committee, and the basic cells—had failed to do.”4 The decentralized institute recognized that any formal integration of the group was to “sign its own death warrant; so it embraced a skein of directors, entangled, forming knots, liquidating all at once, and spinning in an unknown direction, stopping short and returning back to another node.” Allergic to the very idea of “party,” CERFI was a creative project of free, hybrid-aesthetic blocs talking and acting together, whose goal was none other than the “transformation of the libidinal economy of the militant revolutionary.” The group believed that by recognizing and affirming a “group unconscious,” as well as their individual unconscious desires, they would be able to avoid the political stalemates and splinter groups of the traditional Left. CERFI thus situated itself “on the side of psychosis”—its confessed goal was to serve rather than repress the utter madness of the urban malaise, because it was only from this mad perspective on the ground that a properly social discourse on the city could be forged.

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As a decentralised communication technology, the Internet has offered much autonomy and unprecedented communication freedom to the Chinese public. Yet the Chinese government has imposed different forms of censorship over cyberspace. However, the Hong Kong erotic photo scandal reshuffles the traditional understanding of censorship in China as it points to a different territory. The paper takes the Hong Kong erotic photo scandal in 2008 as a case study and aims to examine the social and generational conflicts hidden in China. When thousands of photos containing sexually explicit images of Hong Kong celebrities were released on the Internet, gossip, controversies and eroticism fuelled the public discussion and threatened traditional values in China. The Internet provides an alternative space for the young Chinese who have been excluded from mainstream social discourse to engage in public debates. This, however, creates concerns, fear and even anger among the older generations in China, because they can no longer control, monitor and educate their children in the way that their predecessors have done for centuries. The photo scandal illustrates the internal social conflicts and distrust between generations in China and the generational conflict has a far-reaching political ramification as it creates a new concept of censorship.

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Blood metaphors abound in everyday social discourse among both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. However, ‘Aboriginal blood talk’, more specifically, is located within a contradictory and contested space in terms of the meanings and values that can be attributed to it by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. In the colonial context, blood talk operated as a tool of oppression for Aboriginal people via blood quantum discourses, yet today, Aboriginal people draw upon notions of blood, namely bloodlines, in articulating their identities. This paper juxtaposes contemporary Aboriginal blood talk as expressed by Aboriginal people against colonial blood talk and critically examines the ongoing political and intellectual governance regarding the validity of this talk in articulating Aboriginalities.

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The study examines the debate in Finland at the beginning of the 20th century surrounding the philosophy of Henri Bergson. Both within as well as outside of academic philosophy Bergsonism was adapted to the philosophical and cultural landscape in Finland by a process of selective appropriation. The ambiguous relationship between the sender and the receiver is accentuated in reference to philosophical celebrities such as Bergson, whose reputations spread more quickly than the content of their philosophy and whose names are drawn into the political and social discourse. As a philosophical movement the aim of Bergsonism was to create a scientific philosophy of life as an alternative to both idealism and modern empirical and antimetaphysical currents, during a period when European philosophy was searching for new guidelines after the collapse of the idealistic system philosophies of the 19th century. This reorientation is examined from a Finnish viewpoint and in the light of the process of intellectual importation. The study examines how elements from an international discourse were appropriated within the philosophical field in Finland against a background of changes in the role of the university and the educated elites as well as the position of philosophy within the disciplinary hierarchy. Philosophical reception was guided by expectations that had arisen in a national context, for example when Bergsonism in Finland was adjusted to a moral and educational ideal of self-cultivation, and often served as a means for philosophers to internationalize their own views in order to strengthen their position on the national stage. The study begins with some introductory remarks on the international circulation of ideas from the point of view of the periphery. The second section presents an overview of the shaping of the philosophical field at the turn of the 20th century, the naturalism and positivism of the late 19th century that were the objects of Bergson s critique, and an introduction to the attempts of a philosophy of life to make its way between idealism and naturalism. The third and main section of the study begins with a brief presentation of the main features of the philosophy of Bergson, followed by a closer examination of the different comments and analyses that it gave rise to in Finland. The final section addresses the ideological implications of Bergsonism within the framework of a political annexation of the philosophy of life at the beginning of the 20th century.

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A relação entre o Estado brasileiro e a sociedade, especialmente quando se trata de questões tributárias, é marcada por um desgaste histórico: paga-se uma carga tributária considerada excessiva, ao passo que o retorno em benefícios sociais não é compatível ao esforço. Diante dessa realidade, a Educação Fiscal (EF) surgiu como um instrumento para renovar o voto de confiança e defende, não apenas que todos paguem os tributos, mas que o façam conscientemente e ativamente, e estabelece, para isso, um diálogo profícuo com as noções de democracia, cidadania, ética e responsabilidade social. Para os fins desta pesquisa, a EF é analisada consoante os pressupostos teóricos da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD), tal como compreendido por Fairclough (1989, 2001, 2003 e 2010) e Chouliaraki e Fairclough (1999) e, para aprofundar e facilitar o estudo, são utilizados também os postulados da Nova Retórica de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005) como um instrumento de análise complementar à ACD. O estudo está dividido em três seções de forma a abranger a teoria tridimensional do discurso: textual, discursiva e prática social. Nesse ínterim, o diálogo com a Nova Retórica serve como uma relevante ferramenta para descoberta dos discursos subjacentes ao DEF enriquecendo a reflexão das dimensões textual e discursiva. Nesse diapasão, é contemplada, na análise do discurso da Educação Fiscal (DEF), a tentativa do DEF de ensejar uma mudança social a partir de uma abordagem dos três níveis da estrutura social (GIDDENS, 2009). Neste estudo, de natureza interdisciplinar, são mostrados, de um lado, o poder de influência do DEF nessa conjuntura, e, de outro, os elementos da estrutura social que são obstáculos para que o DEF alcance a hegemonia. Dos resultados da pesquisa, destacam-se os seguintes: a possibilidade de inserção do DEF no evento maior chamado de modernidade tardia (GIDDENS, 1991 e 2002); sua conexão com o fenômeno do aprofundamento dos processos democráticos (GIDDENS, 2002); as relações de poder envolvendo os instrumentos utilizados para a propagação do DEF, como a escola e o material didático (FAIRCLOUGH, 1989 e AGAMBEN, 2005); a tentativa de remodelamento do ethos do Estado realizado pelo DEF (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003); do ponto de vista da intertextualidade e da ordem do discurso (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003), observa-se que o DEF articula diferentes discursos, desde aqueles da democracia e da cidadania até o discurso do direito tributário. Para finalizar, são explorados e discutidos os modos de operação da ideologia (THOMPSON, 2002) no corpus e a relação do DEF com a noção de hegemonia (GRAMSCI, 1999).

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In this article we build on Jones and Spicer's (2009) conceptualization of the entrepreneur as an empty signifier. We explore the function of the signifier 'entrepreneurship' within a social context marked by crisis: Ireland 2007-2010. In doing so, we show how its articulation by government acted to legitimize the continuation of market logics and, relatedly, the existing political status quo. Theoretically, we demonstrate the usefulness of Laclau and Mouffe's conception of hegemony, which shares a Lacanian legacy with Jones and Spicer. This helps us to understand the contradictory nature of the signifier of the entrepreneur in Irish political and social discourse, along with its relationship to the reproduction of political hegemony.

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Recent decades have seen some European countries experiencing a new wave of migratory rates that have sustained economic growth and simultaneously contributed to changes in the pattems of customs, life styles, values and religions. Alongside this new European setting, ambivalent positions in the attitude domain have emerged. This occurs because in contemporary democratic societies people are embedded within cultural environments that disseminate a social discourse stressing that good people are egalitarian and non-discriminatory.

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Cette thèse étudie l'illustration de la presse anarchiste française sous la Troisième République. À la fois propagande et témoignage de l'actualité, cette illustration est analysée à la lumière de ses relations complexes avec les médias contemporains, avec lesquels les anarchistes entretinrent des polémiques sur la nature et le rôle de l'art, sur la place des images dans la propagande, sur les pratiques de presse et sur un certain nombre d'enjeux sociopolitiques internationaux.

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RÉSUMÉ Les répercussions du sida sur la communauté intellectuelle préfiguraient un changement certain dans l’esthétique littéraire contemporaine. Le témoignage de l’expérience individuelle de l’écrivain, à cet instant de désarroi collectif et de répression sociale à l’égard de la communauté homosexuelle, cherchait à provoquer une reconfiguration de l’espace de l’aveu par la projection du sujet privé dans la sphère publique. Cette posture de mise à nu avait déjà vu le jour dans les écrits féministes des années 70, mais elle a subi dans les années 80 et 90 une transformation importante puisque c’est le sujet masculin qui s’est exposé par la médiation du corps dans le récit de la maladie à l’heure du sida. Les discours de l’intime tentaient de rapprocher les espaces social et littéraire tout en affirmant des formes définies par des éthiques et des esthétiques hétérogènes. La période d’écriture de la maladie, qui clôt l’oeuvre de Guibert, est caractérisée par l’ancrage du contexte social de l’épidémie du sida. Par conséquent, les trois récits qui la fondent, soit À l’ami qui ne m’a pas sauvé la vie (1990), Le protocole compassionnel (1991) et Cytomégalovirus (1992), constituent le triptyque sur lequel s’appuiera ma réflexion, auquel s’ajoute le journal tenu par Guibert depuis son adolescence jusqu’à sa mort, Le mausolée des amants (2001), qui a été publié dix ans après la disparition de l’auteur. Cette oeuvre s’inscrit en partie dans cette mouvance du témoignage de la maladie, qui prend place entre 1987 et 1991, période pendant laquelle l’écrivain sent sa vulnérabilité sur le plan de sa santé. Il est proposé d’étudier à travers ces écrits l’écriture de l’aveu et de la dénonciation, telle qu’elle est pensée chez Guibert. Il s’agira de réfléchir sur les stratégies et les fonctions du témoignage littéraire d’une telle expérience à travers la mise en récit du sujet. Une problématique traverse toutefois cette posture de mise en danger individuelle où la nécessité de se révéler est l’objet d’un non-consensus. Or, cette recherche d’intensité par l’aveu, qui repose sur la maladie, la sexualité et la mort, veut dépasser sa dimension apocalyptique en tentant d’inscrire l’oeuvre dans une éthique sociale. De ce fait, le dévoilement, sur le mode de la dénonciation, s’oriente sur la dimension collective en prenant à partie la société et la communauté.