463 resultados para wh-complementizer
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As a more extensive issue, this paper deals with the polysemy attested in all Romance languages between interrogative pronouns and subordination markers in complex sentences. It investigates, specifically, the behavior of objective complement clauses introduced by “como” (“how”) in constructions in which they occur as equivalent to the meaning of prototypical declarative complement clause introduced by the conjunction “que” (“that”). It analyzes complement clauses introduced by “como” and “que” occurring in representative Portuguese texts from the thirteenth to the twentieth centuries. The results of the comparative analysis between the two forms of clausal complement show that in archaic Portuguese “como” was used primarily to introduce complement clauses of factive verbs. When the complement clause is introduced by “como”, the content that is presupposed as true due to the meaning of matrix verb has reinforced this factuality. In the passage from the archaic to the modern period, there was a drastic decrease in the frequency of occurrences of complement clauses with “como”, which are replaced by the form of completive introduced by the conjunction “que” in the context of factual constructions. In contemporary Portuguese, this replacement is fully established. Complement clauses with “como” remain rare and limited to specific contexts in which “como” maintains its reinforcement function of factual meaning.
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This dissertation concerns two types of wh-constructions – interrogative and relative clauses – of Cape Verdean Creole (CVC), a Portuguese-based Creole language spoken on the archipelago of Cape Verde, specifically the variety spoken on Santiago Island, in the coast of West Africa. Chapter 2 focus on some aspects of the syntax of CVC, claiming that the possibilities of S-V inversion are very limited and that verbs stay in Vº, except for the Present tense form of the copula verb e ‘to be’, which is the spell out of the formal feature [Present] of T. It is proposed that CVC exhibits a clause functional structure that is similar to English: [CP [TP [NegP [AspP [VP … ]]]]]. In this chapter, it is also suggested that a non Split-CP, based on the formal features [±D, ±V, ±Q, ±Wh, ±T], correctly accounts for the distribution of the complementizers in CVC. Chapter 3 presents the wh-question formation strategies exhibited by CVC, showing that some of them involve Move, while others do not. Considering CVC data, it is said that the language has two clausal typing processes: an ambiguous complementizer ki ([±Q, ±Wh]), whose checking domain is strictly local; and an unambiguous complementizer Ø ([+Q, +Wh]), whose checking domain is not strictly local. The first one derives fronted wh-questions and the second one accounts for wh-in- -situ. Chapter 4 describes the relativization strategies displayed by CVC, focusing on the fact that PP pied-piping is ruled out and that resumption is possible both inside and outside syntactic islands. It is suggested a revision of Bianchi’s (2002a) head raising analysis for the structure of relative clauses. Chapter 5 discusses the properties of the defective copy strategy ([wh[+PL] … el]) and presents evidence in favor of a distinction between this type of wh-strategy and resumption ([wh[+PL] … es]). It is argued that the language requires an overt pronominal form (3SG) to occur in the complement position of the preposition because CVC types the clause with a complementizer ki [uCat +D] and does not allow for preposition incorporation. The set of formal features of the lower copy is ‘shrinked’, i.e. the features are deleted but not erased, being accessible to PF. This analysis of the defective copy xiv strategy predicts that it only applies to PPs and that it is an autonomous process involving wh-movement, which is distinct from resumption.
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Disponível no documento
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Virsikirjalöydön esittelytilaisuus Helsingin yliopiston kirjastossa 25.1.2005
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En este trabajo se describe la naturaleza y secuencia de adquisición de las preguntas interrogativas parcialesen niños de habla catalana y/o castellana dentro de un marco de análisis según el cual la adquisición de lasestructuras lingüísticas se construye gradualmente desde estructuras concretas hasta estructuras más abstractas.La muestra utilizada se compone de 10 niños y niñas procedentes de corpus longitudinales cuyas edades van delos 17 meses a los 3 años. El análisis se ha realizado atendiendo a la estructura sintáctica de la oración, loserrores, los pronombres y adverbios interrogativos, y la tipología verbal. Los resultados muestran que la secuenciade adquisición pasa por un momento inicial caracterizado por producciones estereotipadas o fórmulas,durante el cual sólo aparecen algunas partículas interrogativas en estructuras muy concretas. Posteriormente lainterrogación aparece con otros pronombres y adverbios y se diversifica a otros verbos, además, no se observanerrores en la construcción sintáctica. Estos resultados suponen un hecho diferencial respecto de estudios previos enlengua inglesa
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Arkit: 2 arkintunnuksetonta lehteä, A-G12 H10.
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Arkit: A-E12.
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Arkit: 2 arkintunnuksetonta lehteä, A-G12 H10.
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Arkit: A-E12.
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Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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En este trabajo se describe la naturaleza y secuencia de adquisición de las preguntas interrogativas parciales en niños de habla catalana y/o castellana dentro de un marco de análisis según el cual la adquisición de las estructuras lingüísticas se construye gradualmente desde estructuras concretas hasta estructuras más abstractas. La muestra utilizada se compone de 10 niños y niñas procedentes de corpus longitudinales cuyas edades van de los 17 meses a los 3 años. El análisis se ha realizado atendiendo a la estructura sintáctica de la oración, los errores, los pronombres y adverbios interrogativos, y la tipología verbal. Los resultados muestran que la secuencia de adquisición pasa por un momento inicial caracterizado por producciones estereotipadas o fórmulas, durante el cual sólo aparecen algunas partículas interrogativas en estructuras muy concretas. Posteriormente la interrogación aparece con otros pronombres y adverbios y se diversifica a otros verbos, además, no se observan errores en la construcción sintáctica. Estos resultados suponen un hecho diferencial respecto de estudios previos en lengua inglesa