707 resultados para víctims of violence in Colombia
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During the past decade, economic factors have been given a prominent role in explaining political violence. The example of Colombia shows that economic factors can explain the ubiquitous nature of violence in that country only in the context of a socio-culturally rooted propensity to use violence. The study draws on relevant published research to identify evidence of a culture of violence in Colombia and discusses the structural conditions that allow or cause such a culture to arise. It is shown that violence in Colombia cannot be explained without taking into account cultural factors that are in turn dependent on other explanatory factors, including economic ones.
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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.
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This article is based on research we conducted in two agricultural communities as part of a broader study that included mining communities in rural Australia. The data from the agricultural locations tell a different story to that of the mining communities. In the latter, alcohol-fuelled, male-on-male assaults in public places caused considerable anxiety among informants. By contrast, people in the agricultural communities seemed more troubled by hidden violent harms which were largely privatised and individualised, including self-harm, suicide, isolation and threats to men’s general wellbeing and mental health; domestic violence; and other forms of violence largely unreported and thus unacknowledged within the wider community (including sexual assault and bullying linked to homophobia). We argue one reason for the different pattern in the agricultural communities is the decline of pub(lic) masculinity, and with this, the increasing isolation of rural men and the increasing propensity to internalise violence. We argue that the relatively high rates of suicide in agricultural communities experiencing rural decline are symptomatic of the internalisation of violence.
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The possibility of commercially exploiting plant, animal and human genetic resources unlocked by biotechnology has given rise to a wide range of cultural, environmental, ethical and economic conflicts. While supporters describe this activity as bioprospecting, critics refer to it as biopiracy. According to this latter view, international legal agreements and treaties have disregarded opposition and legalized the possibility of appropriating genetic resources and their derivative products through the use of patents. The legal framework that permits the appropriation of natural genetic products in Colombia also criminalizes aspects of traditional ways of life and enables a legally approved but socially harmful land-grabbing process. The article describes these processes and impact in terms of the inversion of justice and the erosion of environmental sustainability.
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In this short article I feature examples of the creative appropriation and transformation of a protest vehicle such as the petrol bomb. I show that the human imagination can create an aesthetics out of even the street protest, and can creatively carnivalise, play and translocate such practices and violent stances into the dance studio, the theatre, and even the everyday.
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There are strong links between childhood trauma and the risk of violence (Ford et al., 2007). Despite evidence that people with psychotic disorders are at a higher risk of violence than the general population (Witt et al., 2013) there have been few studies that have examined the trauma-violence link in this population (Spidel et al., 2010). This study explored the association between a history of childhood trauma (abuse, neglect and conflict-related trauma) and the risk of violence in adults with psychotic disorders. The strongest associations with the risk of violence were found for sexual abuse (r = .32, p < .05) and the impact of community conflict (r = .32, p < .05). An accumulative effect of trauma was found using a hierarchical regression (adjusted R2 = .14, F(2,37) = 4.23, p < .05). There are implications for applying models of violence to psychosis, risk assessment and treatment of people with psychotic disorders as well as informing trauma models and protective factors for children in conflict-affected regions.
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This article examines how civilian defense militias shape violence during civil war. We define civilian defense forces as a sedentary and defensive form of pro-government militia that incumbents often use to harness the participation of civilians during a counterinsurgency campaign. We argue that civilian defense forces reduce the problem of insurgent identification. This leads to a reduction in state violence against civilians. However, we also claim that these actors undermine civilian support for insurgents, which leads to an increase in rebel violence against civilians and overall intensification of conflict. A statistical analysis of government and rebel violence against civilians from 1981 to 2005, and a qualitative assessment of a civilian defense force operating in Iraq from 2005 to 2009, offer strong support for our theoretical claims. These findings provide further insight into pro-government militias and their effects on violence. They also have wider ethical implications for the use of civilian collaborators during civil war.
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ABSTRACT - I will explore and present the portrayal of violence in some British plays that were staged between 1951 and 1965, in order to discuss the role, impact and aim of its representation. Thus, I will consider John Whiting’s Saint’s Day (1951), Ann Jelicoe’s The Sport of my Mad Mother (1956), Arnold Wesker (Chicken Soup with Barley (1958), Harold Pinter’s Birthday Party (1958), David Rudkin’s Afore Night Come (1962) and Edward Bond’s Saved (1965). My aim is to discuss the way how theatre in the post WWII changed the traditional ways of representing violence. On one hand, violence and reality became more and more familiar and domestic, permitting a representation of multiple and non-agonic violence; and, on the other hand, the violence that was depicted often changed the way one perceived reality itself, being part of a socially engaged artistic attitude.
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The text argues that, even if different sectors of society have some strategic points of agreement on the issue of land, which converge on the specific issue of restitution, they strongly disagree on various other points. On one side are some who advocate “pure restitution” and consequently support a restitution policy that focuses on correcting the illegal dispossession and clarifying land titles and individual rights to property, which would serve to boost the land market and allow for rural development policies that modernize agricultural production, fundamentally based on large, corporate ownership. On the other end of the spectrum are advocates of what we call “comprehensive restitution,” who promote adopting a restitution policy that meets the requirements not only of corrective justice but also of recognition and redistribution, advancing the interest of peasant, indigenous, and afro-Colombian communities.
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El artículo analiza los determinantes de la presencia de hijos no deseados en Colombia. Se utiliza la información de la Encuesta Nacional de Demografía y Salud (ENDS, 2005), específicamente para las mujeres de 40 años o más. Dadas las características especiales de la variable que se analiza, se utilizan modelos de conteo para verificar si determinadas características socioeconómicas como la educación o el estrato económico explican la presencia de hijos no deseados. Se encuentra que la educación de la mujer y el área de residencia son determinantes significativos de los nacimientos no planeados. Además, la relación negativa entre el número de hijos no deseados y la educación de la mujer arroja implicaciones clave en materia de política social.
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En junio de 2000 el Departamento Nacional de Estadística de Colombia adopto una nueva definición de medición de desempleo siguiendo los estándares sugeridos por la organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT). El cambio de definición implico una reducción de la tasa de desempleo en cerca de dos puntos porcentuales. En este documento contrastamos la experiencia colombiana con otra experiencias internacionales, y analizamos las implicaciones empíricas y teóricas de este cambio de definición usando dos tipos de estimaciones cuantitativas: en la primera se contrasta las principales características de las diferentes categorías clasificadas según la definición nueva y vieja de desempleo (empleado, desempleado y fuera de la fuerza laboral) usando el algoritmo EM; en la segunda se pone a prueba la implicación del desempleo estructural y su relación con el perfil educacional de personas desempleadas y las características teóricas que enfrentan los estándares de la OIT en la definición de empleo.
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