773 resultados para teachers educators kindergarten - power relationships conflict - established and outsiders


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A pesquisa apresenta uma anlise das relaes de poder, no espao da Educao Infantil do Municpio de Ribeiro Pires, focada no trabalho das Educadoras no-docentes e das Professoras de Desenvolvimento Infantil de duas escolas, localizadas em duas regies distintas: uma na regio central, e a outra em um vilarejo afastado do centro. O foco principal o conflito entre esses dois grupos de profissionais, um foco secundrio e complementar so as deficincias de funcionamento, que contribuem para a existncia de conflito entre os grupos. A hiptese que norteia a pesquisa a de que, as educadoras no-docentes, enquanto grupo veterano, valem-se da antiguidade, afirmando-se por meio de seus saberes tcitos ou empricos, e as PDI, por sua vez, valem-se da titulao/diploma. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de entrevistas e da observao na unidade escolar, visou apreender as diferenas estabelecidas entre os grupos de educadoras e professoras, mas, sobretudo, entender a forma com que ambas expressam as relaes de poder no espao e no tempo escolar. A pesquisa requereu como base, trs referenciais analticos: Norbert Elias (2000), que aborda as relaes de poder; o Estudo de Sociologia do Desvio de Becker (2008) e o Estigma de Erving Goffman (1891). Partindo do estudo dos trs autores foi possvel observar, dentro das relaes de poder entre os grupos de educadoras e professoras, algumas tendncias e disposies coletivas, como: afirmao de superioridade pela tradio, afirmao de superioridade por ttulos, inclinaes a estigmatizao, sentimentos de vitimizao e a baixa burocratizao institucional, corretamente podemos constatar, no que diz respeito ao foco secundrio da pesquisa, a apresena nas escolas estudadas, de um baixo nvel de burocratizao institucional, o que contribui para estimular conflitos entre grupos docentes analisados. A pesquisa poder contribuir para o debate em torno de assuntos relacionados com a modalidade Educao Infantil e seus agentes, tal qual ela se configura no Brasil.

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Chronic communal conflicts resemble the prisoners dilemma. Both communities prefer peace to war. But neither trusts the other, viewing the others gain as its own loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a kind of riskembracing leadership. To succeed leaders must: a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum; b) strengthen negotiating adversaries instead of weakening them; and c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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La dlgation du pouvoir de gestion aux administrateurs et aux gestionnaires, une caractristique intrinsque la gestion efficace de grandes entreprises dans un contexte de capitalisme, confre une grande discrtion lquipe de direction. Cette discrtion, si elle nest pas surveille, peut mener des comportements opportunistes envers la corporation, les actionnaires et les autres fournisseurs de capital qui nont pas de pouvoir de gestion. Les conflits entre ces deux classes dagents peuvent merger la fois de dcisions de gouvernance gnrale ou de transactions particulires (ie. offre publique dachat). Dans les cas extrmes, ces conflits peuvent mener la faillite de la firme. Dans les cas plus typiques, ils mnent lextraction de bnfices privs pour les administrateurs et gestionnaires, lexpropriation des actionnaires, et des rductions de valeur pour la firme. Nous prenons le point de vue dun petit actionnaire minoritaire pour explorer les mchanismes de gouvernance disponibles au Canada et aux tatsUnis. Aprs une synthse dans la Partie 1 des thories sousjacentes ltude du pouvoir dans la corporation (sparation de la proprit et du contrle et les conflits dagence), nous concentrons notre analyse dans la Partie 2 sur les diffrents types de mchanismes (1) de gouvernance interne, (2) juridiques et (3) marchands, qui confrent du pouvoir aux deux classes dagents. Nous examinons comment les intrts de ces deux classes peuvent tre raligns afin de prvenir et rsoudre les conflits au sein de la firme. La Partie 3 explore un quilibre dynamique de pouvoir corporatif qui cherche minimiser le potentiel dopportunisme toute en prservant une quantit de discrtion suffisante pour la gestion efficace de la firme. Nous analysons des moyens pour renforcer les protections des actionnaires minoritaires et proposons un survol des pistes de rforme possibles.

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Fifteen mentoring pairs of teachers were randomly selected from each group of teachers that had participated in the Halton Board of Education "Partners in the Classroom" program during 1988/89, 1989/90, and 1990/91. Each teacher was personally interviewed. Interviews were recorded, transcriptions were prepared and examined and analyzed. During the first part of the interview questions were asked regarding personal and professional demographics. The purpose of the second part of the interview was to gain information relating to the development of the relationships, over a three-year period, between mentor and mentee teacher participants in the "Partners in the Classroom" program. The analysis of the data suggest that there are identifiable changes in the development of the relationship between the mentor teacher and the mentee teacher over time. Implications from the study results that could enhance the induction program for new teachers are discussed.

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The present study contributes to the literature on the Job Demands-resources model in the italian school context. the aim of this paper is to examine how the interaction between work-family conflict (i.e., a typical job demand) and opportunities to learn and to develop and self-efficacy (i.e., typical job and personal resources, respectively) affect the core dimensions of burnout (exhaustion and depersonalization) and work engagement (vigor and dedication). Hypotheses were tested with a cross-sectional design among 143 teachers of a junior high school in the north of Italy. Results of moderated multiple regression analysis partially supported the hypotheses as the opportunities to learn and to develop buffered against the aversive effects of work-family conflict on depersonalization, whereas self-efficacy moderated the relationship between work-family conflict and vigor. From a practical viewpoint, our findings suggest that opportunities to learn and to develop and self-efficacy are important re- sources that help teachers to reduce the negative effects related to work-family conflict.

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This paper describes the relationship between the executive and legislative branches during the first government of Alvaro Uribe Vlez. We will focus on reviewing the legislative output of each branch of power, along with the effectiveness and efficiency they showed as promoters of this production. We will review the impact they had on the legislative agenda setting and on the control of the legislative process itself, making a diachronic analysis in which each legislature is used as a unit. Thus, we will try to identify the presence (or not) of some kind of pattern interactions, and we will evaluate, at one hand, the existence of hierarchical and transactional trends, and, on the other, the different types of balances produced between them.

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What makes helping relationships - or social interventions in general - so sensitive to abuse? These problems are directly related to the nature of the helping relationship. The core of this relationship is the inequality, the asymmetry, between the helper and the person being helped, and the dependence of the latter. Asymmetry is the driving force behind every social intervention and at the same time its weakest point. Handling asymmetry in an appropriate manner constitutes a major part of the work of the intervening party. This asymmetry makes heavy demands on the professional attitude of the intervening party i.e. the helper. Is s/he capable of dealing with dependence in an acceptable way? Is s/he well-versed in her/his profession? This article contains a comprehensive sketch of many of the possible dangers and pitfalls which beset asymmetric intervention relations. At the end it will be argued that, for a better understanding, the proximity of helping and power has to be taken into account.

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis--vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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Recent and current socio-cultural trends are significant factors impacting on how business is conduced and correspondingly, on how work environments are designed. New communication technology is helping to break physical boundaries and change the way and speed of conducting business. One of the main characteristics of these new workplaces is non-permanency wherein the individual employee has no dedicated personally assigned office, work station, or desk. In this non-territorial, nomadic situation, employees undertake their work tasks in a wide variety of work settings inside and outside the office building. Such environments are understood to be must suitable where there is the need for high interaction with others as well as a high level of concentrated, independent work. This thesis reports on a project designed to develop a deeper understanding of the relationships between people (P) and their built environment (E) in the context of everyday work practice in a nomadic and non-territorial work environment. To achieve this, the study focuses on the experiences of employees as they understand them in relation to their work and the designed/ physical work environment. In this sense, the study is qualitative and grounded in nature. It does not assume any previously established theory nor test any presenting hypothesis. Instead it interviews the participants about their situations at work in their workplace, interprets natural interaction and creates a foundation for the development of theory informing workplace design, particularly theory that recognises the human nature of work and the need, as highlighted by several seminal researchers, for a greater understanding of how people manage and adapt in dynamic work environments.

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This paper reports on a doctoral study that explored the nature of pedagogic connectedness and revealed the ways in which teachers experience this phenomenon. Pedagogic connectedness is defined as the engagements between teacher and student that impact on student learning. In this study, twenty teachers in an independent college in South-East Queensland, Australia, were interviewed and the interview transcripts analysed iteratively. Five qualitatively different ways of experiencing pedagogic connectedness emerged from the data. The findings of this phenomenographic-related study are instructive in developing a framework for changes to teachers pedagogic practices.

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As an international norm, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has gained substantial influence and institutional presenceand created no small controversyin the ten years since its first conceptualisation. Conversely, the Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict (PoC) has a longer pedigree and enjoys a less contested reputation. Yet UN Security Council action in Libya in 2011 has thrown into sharp relief the relationship between the two. UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973 follow exactly the process envisaged by R2P in response to imminent atrocity crimes, yet the operative paragraphs of the resolutions themselves invoke only PoC. This article argues that, while the agendas of PoC and R2P converge with respect to Security Council action in cases like Libya, outside this narrow context it is important to keep the two norms distinct. Peacekeepers, humanitarian actors, international lawyers, individual states and regional organisations are required to act differently with respect to the separate agendas and contexts covered by R2P and PoC. While overlap between the two does occur in highly visible cases like Libya, neither R2P nor PoC collapses normatively, institutionally or operationally into the other.

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This paper describes part of an action research study that was designed to explore the outcomes of an ongoing program in which the participants, a group of domestic and international pre-service teachers and lecturers, worked together in reflective writing workshops. While the primary long-term goal of the program was to develop the intercultural competence and understanding of all of the participants through social activities, the development of social relationships was initiated and supported by involving the participants in weekly writing workshops that focused on shared salient skills of critical reflective thinking and writing. The focus of this paper is upon the outcomes for the international students, a cohort of second year pre-service teachers from Malaysia. Findings indicated that the program was successful in developing the Malaysian pre-service teachers self-confidence in perceiving themselves as writers and future teachers of writing, in shifting their focus from writing product to writing process and content, and in increasing the depth of their critical reflective thinking and writing