810 resultados para teachers educators kindergarten - power relationships conflict - established and outsiders


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A pesquisa apresenta uma anlise das relaes de poder, no espao da Educao Infantil do Municpio de Ribeiro Pires, focada no trabalho das Educadoras no-docentes e das Professoras de Desenvolvimento Infantil de duas escolas, localizadas em duas regies distintas: uma na regio central, e a outra em um vilarejo afastado do centro. O foco principal o conflito entre esses dois grupos de profissionais, um foco secundrio e complementar so as deficincias de funcionamento, que contribuem para a existncia de conflito entre os grupos. A hiptese que norteia a pesquisa a de que, as educadoras no-docentes, enquanto grupo veterano, valem-se da antiguidade, afirmando-se por meio de seus saberes tcitos ou empricos, e as PDI, por sua vez, valem-se da titulao/diploma. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de entrevistas e da observao na unidade escolar, visou apreender as diferenas estabelecidas entre os grupos de educadoras e professoras, mas, sobretudo, entender a forma com que ambas expressam as relaes de poder no espao e no tempo escolar. A pesquisa requereu como base, trs referenciais analticos: Norbert Elias (2000), que aborda as relaes de poder; o Estudo de Sociologia do Desvio de Becker (2008) e o Estigma de Erving Goffman (1891). Partindo do estudo dos trs autores foi possvel observar, dentro das relaes de poder entre os grupos de educadoras e professoras, algumas tendncias e disposies coletivas, como: afirmao de superioridade pela tradio, afirmao de superioridade por ttulos, inclinaes a estigmatizao, sentimentos de vitimizao e a baixa burocratizao institucional, corretamente podemos constatar, no que diz respeito ao foco secundrio da pesquisa, a apresena nas escolas estudadas, de um baixo nvel de burocratizao institucional, o que contribui para estimular conflitos entre grupos docentes analisados. A pesquisa poder contribuir para o debate em torno de assuntos relacionados com a modalidade Educao Infantil e seus agentes, tal qual ela se configura no Brasil.

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Chronic communal conflicts resemble the prisoners dilemma. Both communities prefer peace to war. But neither trusts the other, viewing the others gain as its own loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a kind of riskembracing leadership. To succeed leaders must: a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum; b) strengthen negotiating adversaries instead of weakening them; and c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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La dlgation du pouvoir de gestion aux administrateurs et aux gestionnaires, une caractristique intrinsque la gestion efficace de grandes entreprises dans un contexte de capitalisme, confre une grande discrtion lquipe de direction. Cette discrtion, si elle nest pas surveille, peut mener des comportements opportunistes envers la corporation, les actionnaires et les autres fournisseurs de capital qui nont pas de pouvoir de gestion. Les conflits entre ces deux classes dagents peuvent merger la fois de dcisions de gouvernance gnrale ou de transactions particulires (ie. offre publique dachat). Dans les cas extrmes, ces conflits peuvent mener la faillite de la firme. Dans les cas plus typiques, ils mnent lextraction de bnfices privs pour les administrateurs et gestionnaires, lexpropriation des actionnaires, et des rductions de valeur pour la firme. Nous prenons le point de vue dun petit actionnaire minoritaire pour explorer les mchanismes de gouvernance disponibles au Canada et aux tatsUnis. Aprs une synthse dans la Partie 1 des thories sousjacentes ltude du pouvoir dans la corporation (sparation de la proprit et du contrle et les conflits dagence), nous concentrons notre analyse dans la Partie 2 sur les diffrents types de mchanismes (1) de gouvernance interne, (2) juridiques et (3) marchands, qui confrent du pouvoir aux deux classes dagents. Nous examinons comment les intrts de ces deux classes peuvent tre raligns afin de prvenir et rsoudre les conflits au sein de la firme. La Partie 3 explore un quilibre dynamique de pouvoir corporatif qui cherche minimiser le potentiel dopportunisme toute en prservant une quantit de discrtion suffisante pour la gestion efficace de la firme. Nous analysons des moyens pour renforcer les protections des actionnaires minoritaires et proposons un survol des pistes de rforme possibles.

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Fifteen mentoring pairs of teachers were randomly selected from each group of teachers that had participated in the Halton Board of Education "Partners in the Classroom" program during 1988/89, 1989/90, and 1990/91. Each teacher was personally interviewed. Interviews were recorded, transcriptions were prepared and examined and analyzed. During the first part of the interview questions were asked regarding personal and professional demographics. The purpose of the second part of the interview was to gain information relating to the development of the relationships, over a three-year period, between mentor and mentee teacher participants in the "Partners in the Classroom" program. The analysis of the data suggest that there are identifiable changes in the development of the relationship between the mentor teacher and the mentee teacher over time. Implications from the study results that could enhance the induction program for new teachers are discussed.

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The present study contributes to the literature on the Job Demands-resources model in the italian school context. the aim of this paper is to examine how the interaction between work-family conflict (i.e., a typical job demand) and opportunities to learn and to develop and self-efficacy (i.e., typical job and personal resources, respectively) affect the core dimensions of burnout (exhaustion and depersonalization) and work engagement (vigor and dedication). Hypotheses were tested with a cross-sectional design among 143 teachers of a junior high school in the north of Italy. Results of moderated multiple regression analysis partially supported the hypotheses as the opportunities to learn and to develop buffered against the aversive effects of work-family conflict on depersonalization, whereas self-efficacy moderated the relationship between work-family conflict and vigor. From a practical viewpoint, our findings suggest that opportunities to learn and to develop and self-efficacy are important re- sources that help teachers to reduce the negative effects related to work-family conflict.

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This paper describes the relationship between the executive and legislative branches during the first government of Alvaro Uribe Vlez. We will focus on reviewing the legislative output of each branch of power, along with the effectiveness and efficiency they showed as promoters of this production. We will review the impact they had on the legislative agenda setting and on the control of the legislative process itself, making a diachronic analysis in which each legislature is used as a unit. Thus, we will try to identify the presence (or not) of some kind of pattern interactions, and we will evaluate, at one hand, the existence of hierarchical and transactional trends, and, on the other, the different types of balances produced between them.

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What makes helping relationships - or social interventions in general - so sensitive to abuse? These problems are directly related to the nature of the helping relationship. The core of this relationship is the inequality, the asymmetry, between the helper and the person being helped, and the dependence of the latter. Asymmetry is the driving force behind every social intervention and at the same time its weakest point. Handling asymmetry in an appropriate manner constitutes a major part of the work of the intervening party. This asymmetry makes heavy demands on the professional attitude of the intervening party i.e. the helper. Is s/he capable of dealing with dependence in an acceptable way? Is s/he well-versed in her/his profession? This article contains a comprehensive sketch of many of the possible dangers and pitfalls which beset asymmetric intervention relations. At the end it will be argued that, for a better understanding, the proximity of helping and power has to be taken into account.

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis--vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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While explaining a large proportion of any variance, accounts of the speed and accuracy of targetting movements use techniques (e.g., log transforms) that typically reduce variability before ''explaining'' the data. Therefore the predictive power of such accounts are important. We consider whether Plamondon's model can account for kinematics of targetting movements of clinical populations.

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Identity is traditionally defined as an emission concept [1]. Yet, some research points out that there are external factors that can influence it [2]; [3]; [4]. This subject is even more relevant if one considers corporate brands. According to Aaker [5] the number, the power and the credibility of corporate associations are bigger in the case of corporate brands. Literature recognizes the influence of relationships between companies in identity management. Yet, given the increasingly important role of corporate brands, it is surprising that to date no attempt to evaluate that influence has been made in the management of corporate brand identity. Also Keller and Lehman [6] highlight relationships and costumer experience as two areas requiring more investigation. In line with this, the authors intend to develop an empirical research in order to evaluate the influence of relationships between brands in the identity of corporate brand from an internal perspective by interviewing internal stakeholders (brand managers and internal clients). This paper is organized by main contents: theoretical background, research methodology, data analysis and conclusions and finally cues to future investigation.

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This paper presents the design and implementation of direct power controllers for three-phase matrix converters (MC) operating as Unified Power Flow Controllers (UPFC). Theoretical principles of the decoupled linear power controllers of the MC-UPFC to minimize the cross-coupling between active and reactive power control are established. From the matrix converter based UPFC model with a modified Venturini high frequency PWM modulator, decoupled controllers for the transmission line active (P) and reactive (Q) power direct control are synthesized. Simulation results, obtained from Matlab/Simulink, are presented in order to confirm the proposed approach. Results obtained show decoupled power control, zero error tracking, and fast responses with no overshoot and no steady-state error.

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Is there a link between decentralized governance and conflict prevention? This article tries to answer the question by presenting the state of the art of the intersection of both concepts. Provided that social conflict is inevitable and given the appearance of new threats and types of violence, as well as new demands for security based on people (human security), our societies should focus on promoting peaceful changes. Through an extensive analysis of the existing literature and the study of several cases, this paper suggests that decentralized governance can contribute to these efforts by transforming conflicts, bringing about power-sharing and inclusion incentives of minority groups. Albeit the complexity of assessing its impact on conflict prevention, it can be contended that decentralized governance might have very positive effects on the reduction of causes that bring about conflicts due to its ability to foster the creation of war/violence preventors. More specifically, this paper argues that decentralization can have a positive impact on the so-called triggers and accelerators (short- and medium-term causes).

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Power is a fundamental force in social relationships and is pervasive throughout various types of interactions. Although research has shown that the possession of power can change the powerholder, the full extent of power's consequences on individuals' decision making capabilities and social interactions within organizations is not fully understood. The goal of this paper is to review, synthesize, and critique the literature on power with a focus on its organizational and managerial implications. Specifically, we propose a definition of power that takes into account its three defining characteristics-having the discretion and means to enforce one's will-and summarize the extant literature on how power influences individuals' thoughts, emotions, and actions both in terms of prosocial and antisocial outcomes. In addition, we highlight important moderators of power and describe ways in which it can be studied in a more rigorous manner by examining methodological issues and pitfalls with regard to its measurement and manipulation. We also provide future research directions to motivate and guide the study of power by management scholars. Our desire is to present a thorough and parsimonious account of power's influence on individuals within an organizational context, as well as provide a foundation that scholars can build upon as they continue to make consequential contributions to the study of power.