953 resultados para social struggle


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Summary: This article provides a review of the contribution of Axel Honneth’s model of recognition for critical social work. While Honneth’s tripartite conceptualisation of optimal identity-formation is positively appraised, his analysis of the link between misrecognition, the experience of shame and eventual sense of moral outrage, is contested. Drawing on a range of sources, including the sociology of shame, Honneth’s ideas about the emotional antecedents of emancipatory action are revised to guide critical social work with misrecognised service users.

Findings: The intellectual background to Honneth’s recognition model, emanating from leading German philosophers, is described and its application to social work set out. Even so, Honneth’s model is found to be deficient in one primary regard: its assumption about the emotional antecedents to quests for withheld recognition is misapprehended. In particular, the argument in this article is that the ubiquitous emotion of shame, which Honneth argues flows from misrecognition, must be carefully addressed through the medium of relationship, otherwise it might lead to repressed shame and frustrated attempts at social struggle. To this end, a social work process is delineated for dealing with shame, following episodes of misrecognition.

Applications: Honneth’s model of recognition, along with revised ideas about how to recognise and manage shame, is incorporated into a conceptual framework for critical social work practice. With this renewed understanding of the impact of shame, following misrecognition, social workers should be better equipped conceptually to enable service users to take action for empowerment.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Goodbye Brigadoon examines the shifting role media production plays in the economic and cultural strategies of global cities in small market nations, specifically Glasgow, Scotland. In particular, this project focuses on the formation of a digital media village along the banks of the River Clyde to argue the site constitutes a logical component to Glasgow’s ongoing transformation into a cosmopolitan center. Yet, as the regional government’s economic strategies and policy directives work to transform the abandoned waterfront into a center of cultural activity, this project also underscores the contradictory cultural dynamics to emerge from media production’s new role in the post-industrial city. At its core, the media hub reveals a regional government more interested in the technology used to deliver “national” stories than the manner of the stories themselves or the cultural practices responsible for creating them. Indeed, Goodbye Brigadoon is most interested in how media professionals based at the emergent cluster negotiate a sense of cultural identity and creative license against the institutional constraints, policy matters, and commercial logic they also must navigate in their workaday rituals. Ultimately, the conclusions offered in this project argue for a more complicated conception of the global-local location where these professionals work. Glasgow’s digital media village, in other words, is much more than an innocuous site of competitive advantage, urban regeneration, and job growth. It is best understood as a site of intense social struggle and unequal power relations where local mediamakers often find the site’s impetus for multiplatform media production an institutionally enforced false promise at odds with the realities of creative labor in the city.

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Em 1989, após expressiva mobilização social organizada e liderada por ambientalistas e moradores da região, com o apoio de universidades como a UFRRJ e a UFRJ, além de entidades da sociedade civil da Baixada Fluminense, o governo José Sarney, através de um decreto federal datado de 23 de maio de 1989, transformou o Tinguá em Reserva Biológica, cujo objetivo é a proteção de amostra representativa da Mata Atlântica e demais recursos naturais nela contidos, com especial atenção para os recursos hídricos, além de proporcionar o desenvolvimento de pesquisas científicas e educação ambiental. Até aquela data, tais florestas eram consideradas como Florestas Protetoras de Mananciais em razão do potencial hídrico ali existente. As questões postas pelos atores, e que teriam motivado a associação, segundo o relato de moradores participantes do movimento, giram em torno prioritariamente, da proteção da diversidade biológica, a repressão às ações lesivas à preservação, a punição de crimes ambientais, mas acima de tudo partem em principal da ausência do poder público na região para prover serviços básicos de abastecimento de água e saneamento. Nota-se ainda na fala dos moradores do Tinguá a queixa da precariedade dos recursos financeiros, materiais e humanos para implementar ações para a gestão e a atividade de moradores com práticas agrícolas cuja percepção da floresta protegida parece ser a de restrição do uso. Este trabalho pretende compreender a relação entre história socioambiental e conflito a partir da participação dos moradores do Tinguá no processo de debates e de mobilização que contribuiu para institucionalização da Reserva Biológica do Tinguá, buscando desvelar as motivações para a participação por meio da análise das matérias publicadas em dois jornais locais de Nova Iguaçu: O Correio da Lavoura e o Jornal de Hoje, sendo o primeiro um semanário e o outro diário em circulação na Baixada. Além disso, utiliza-se como fonte o relato do vivido, os testemunhos elaborados por moradores locais selecionados, avaliados por meio da metodologia de História Oral, como via importante para a compreensão da leitura elaborada por esses atores sociais marginalizados

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Monografía de grado por medio de la cual a partir de la teoría de Estructura de Oportunidades y de restricciones Políticas de Sydney Tarrow, se analiza el contexto en el que la movilización mapuche emergió durante los dos últimos gobiernos del partido socialista chileno. Para ello en un primer momento se hizo un análisis histórico de la problemática indígena hasta el restablecimiento de la democracia en 1989. Paso seguido fueron analizadas las respuestas que dieron los gobiernos de Ricardo Lagos y Michelle Bachelet a la problemática indígena y mapuche, teniendo como marco la reivindicación de derechos que les fueron planteadas a dichos gobiernos.

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Puede entenderse la ciudad como una manifestación de las disputas surgidas desde el plano de lo social. En ese mismo sentido surge el concepto del derecho a la ciudad, entendido en términos generales como aquel que se tiene para decidir el tipo de urbe y su organización. Así, este derecho ha estado limitado a la construcción de espacios propicios para la acumulación de capital, para una élite minoritaria capaz de configurar la ciudad, generando un caos urbano que se evidencia en la segregación socio-espacial, abultando las arcas de los poderosos a la vez que se aíslan a las mayorías trabajadoras del ejercicio el derecho a cambiar y reinventar la ciudad para satisfacer sus necesidades y garantizar sus sueños.

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El ensayo analiza los cambios jurídicos y sociales que experimentaron las mujeres durante los años posteriores a la Revolución Liberal de 1895. La mayoría de las mujeres pioneras en la vida pública del Ecuador provinieron de las clases sociales media y alta. El estudio se concentra en los casos de María Luisa Gómez de la Torre, profesora y la única mujer participante en la fundación del Partido Socialista del Ecuador, y Matilde Hidalgo de Prócel, primera mujer graduada de médico, primera en sufragar en una elección y en obtener un escaño en el Congreso. El artículo indaga si estos cambios institucionales fueron el resultado de una concesión del poder o de una lucha social desde abajo.

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It is analyzed the social struggle held by locals at Barreiras, Diogo Lopes and Sertãozinho communities (Macau-RN) in order to avoid the ownership of its mangrove area to hotel managers, in 1995 and to hinder the destruction of Ilha dos Cavalos mangrove by the shrimp producers, in 2000, what led to the creation of Ponta do Tubarão Reserve of State Sustainable Development, located at Macau and Guamaré cities, northern coast of Rio Grande do Norte, respectively 180 and 200 kilometers away from Natal, created in July, 18, 2003 by the Decree State Law n. 8.349, to preserve its traditional territory and way of life. It is photographed and analyzed the developed ways of life in this Unit of Conservation, from the sociocultural category, based in pointers of the material production in the life ways as: the work, the leisure, the religion, the popular knowledge and the action of the contemporary men on the environment. In this perspective, it is considered as method strategy a sociocultural photo cartography, created to this research, and to be concretized used photographic documents, observation, interviews, documental research and bibliographic research, being an association of techniques as peculiarities of this strategy of research. It is concluded that the social struggle developed by the collective actors at Ponta do Tubarão Reserve of State Sustainable Development, is characterized as a transforming action against the global and predatory capital, for the maintenance of the environment and the traditional way of life; One also concludes that the sociocultural photo cartography is very important as a proposal of possible procedures to being used in qualitative researches, because of its analytical potentialities providing a more including vision of the sociocultural routine of the studied space, in the attempt to know and to disclose the relations lived for the citizens of the research in Social Sciences

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In his Prison Notebooks, Gramsci worked with the notion of subaltern classes and groups, a concept that has been incorporated by the Social Sciences and current Historiography. Correlatedly, problems of common sense, folklore and religion are presented. It is important to raise the question of the theoretical and political implications of Gramsci's elaborations, contextualizing them within the entirety of his theoretical and political production, even if only to contest the common uses of the concept and their real relationship to Gramsci, or to examine to what extent this author can be considered relevant for interpretations of the conditions of social struggle in contemporary capitalism. © 2008 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)