The Enemy of My Enemy is My Friend... The Dynamics of Self-Defense Forces in Irregular War: The Case of the Sons of Iraq

This article assesses the effect that leveraging civilian defense force militias has on the dynamics of violence in civil war. We argue that the delegation of security and combat roles to local civilians shifts the primary targets of insurgent violence toward civilians, in an attempt to deter future defections, and re-establish control over the local population. This argument is assessed through an analysis of the Sunni Awakening and ancillary Sons of Iraq paramilitary program. The results suggest that at least in the Al-Anbar province of Iraq, the utilization of the civilian population in counterinsurgent roles had significant implications for the targets of insurgent violence.

The Article 51 reporting requirement for self-defense actions

This article examines one legal criterion for the exercise of the right of self-defense that has been significantly overlooked by commentators: the so-called “reporting requirement.” Article 51 of the United Nations (UN) Charter provides, inter alia, that “[m]easures taken by members in the exercise of this right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council.” Although the requirement to report all self-defense actions to the Council is clearly set out in Article 51, the Charter offers no further guidance with regard to this obligation. Reference to the practice of states since the UN’s inception in 1945 is therefore essential to understanding the scope and nature of the reporting requirement. As such, this article is underpinned by an extensive original dataset of reporting practice covering the period from January 1, 1998 to December 31, 2013. We know from Article 51 that states “shall” report, but do they, and—if so—in what manner? What are the various implications of reporting, of failing to report, and of the way in which states report? How are reports used, and by whom? Most importantly, this article questions the ultimate value of states reporting their self-defense actions to the Security Council in modern interstate relations.

Shalom Schwarzbard 1917-1938

The collection consists of correspondence, newspaper clippings, manuscripts and notes that relate primarily to the Schwarzbard trial and its aftermath. Correspondence with organizations: Agudah Ateret Zion, Yidish Natsionaler Arbeter Farband, Yidisher Studentn Fareyn, Jewish Agency, *Der Tog*, *Unzer tsayt*, YIVO Institute, Ligue Internationale Contre L'antisemitisme, *Morgn zhurnal*, Federation de Societes Juives de France, Jewish Veterans Organization. Correspondence with individuals: Joseph Barondess, Alberto Bianchi, Zelig Kalmanovitch, Israel Ostroff, Noah Prylucki, Anna Schwarzbard, William Zukerman. Manuscripts: typescripts of memoirs *In krig mit zikh aleyn* (At War With Myself). Poems about Schwarzbard's assassination of Petlyura. Poems by Anna Schwarzbard. Clippings about Schwarzbard. Personal documents.

Testemunhas do esquecimento: uma análise do auto de resistência a partir do estado de exceção e da vida nua

O Auto de Resistência, uma figura atípica no Direito Penal, é utilizado comumente pelas forças de Segurança Pública do Estado, e vêm sendo legitimado pelo discurso punitivo, presente não apenas no judiciário, mas na sociedade brasileira de forma geral. Este dispositivo é analisado neste trabalho como um sintoma de uma questão muito mais profunda, arraigada dentro da própria origem do direito. Na grande maioria dos casos, o Auto de Resistência são, na realidade, execuções sumárias realizadas pelas forças de Segurança Pública estatais, mas que tornam-se legitimadas pela alegação de legítima defesa policial. No entanto, a incidência desta violação em áreas pobres e sobre indivíduos negros, aponta que este é apenas um dos dispositivos que permitem a seletividade de um sistema penal e de segurança pública fundamentalmente racista e elitista. As categorias presentes na teoria de Giorgio Agamben e Walter Benjamin parecem lançar nova luz sobre a realidade política brasileira, principalmente, ao se analisar o aparato biopolítico da segurança pública. Este sistema, desde sua origem excludente, confirma que os oprimidos, ou homo sacer, se manifestam em nossa sociedade no pobre e negro. Estes sujeitos singulares encontram-se no estado de exceção permanente, não havendo sob a perspectiva brasileira nenhuma experiência de ruptura emancipatória, mas sim, alternações de ciclos de violência que põe o direito (como a transição do sistema oligárquico para a República, ou da ditadura para a democracia) e que mantém o direito (como a presente no atual suposto Estado de Direito). Mantiveram-se as estruturas e reforçaram-se os estereótipos penais e discriminatórios. Questiona-se então a importância de se pensar uma justiça anamnética, uma potência testemunhal do oprimido como força messiânica que faz com que o passado e o presente se unam em um só tempo na busca de reparação.

Proteomics Identification of Azaspiracid Toxin Biomarkers in Blue Mussels, Mytilus edulis

Azaspiracids are a class of recently discovered algae-derived shellfish toxins. Their distribution globally is on the increase with mussels being most widely implicated in azaspiracid-related food poisoning events. Evidence that these toxins were bound to proteins in contaminated mussels has been shown recently. In the present study characterization of these proteins in blue mussels, Mytilus edulis, was achieved using a range of advanced proteomics tools. Four proteins present only in the hepatopancreas of toxin-contaminated mussels sharing identity or homology with cathepsin D, superoxide dismutase, glutathione S-transferase Pi, and a bacterial flagellar protein have been characterized. Several of the proteins are known to be involved in self-defense mechanisms against xenobiotics or up-regulated in the presence of carcinogenic agents. These findings would suggest that azaspiracids should now be considered and evaluated as potential tumorigenic compounds. The presence of a bacterial protein only in contaminated mussels was an unexpected finding and requires further investigation. The proteins identified in this study should assist with development of urgently required processes for the rapid depuration of azaspiracid-contaminated shellfish. Moreover they may serve as early warning indicators of shellfish exposed to this family of toxins. Molecular & Cellular Proteomics 8: 1811-1822, 2009.

In search of common grounds: Stitching the divided landscape of urban parks in Belfast's interface zones

Political and spatial contestation in divided cities contributes to strategies of self-defense that utilize physical and spatial settings to enable the constitution of social boundaries, borders and territories.
Urban parks that are designed to ease division through an open transitional landscape can instead facilitate further segregation through their spatial order and facility layout. This paper investigates the role of the spatial design and material landscape of integrated parks in Belfast interface areas as instruments of engagement or division. It does so by analyzing the spatial organization of the parks’ facilities and the resultant ‘social voids.’ Space, time and distance were found to be effective tools for the negotiation of privacy, the manifestation of power, and the interplay of dominance and self-confidence. In the context of a divided city, strong community-culture tends to reproduce new boundaries and territories within the shared landscape. Through user interviews and spatial analysis, this paper outlines the design principles that influence spatial behavior in the urban parks of contested urban landscapes. It argues that despite granting equal access to shared public facilities, social voids and physical gaps can instill practices of division that deepen territorial barriers, both psychologically and spatially.

Death for life : a study of targeted killing by States in international law

"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline.

De combattants à ex-combattants : interprétations des ex-combattants des groupes paramilitaires colombiens sur leur participation au conflit armé

Ce mémoire s’intéresse aux récits des ex-combattants des groupes paramilitaires Autodéfenses unies de Colombie sur leur participation au conflit armé. Ces narrations, construites dans un contexte de réintégration à la société, permettent de réfléchir à la construction de la vérité par les ex-combattants dans les contextes post-conflit. Nous avons analysé les histoires de vie de 18 ex-combattants qui participaient au Programme de réintégration à la vie civile à Bogota. Nos interviewés ont adopté une position de victimes, en élaborant des discours justificateurs visant à se déresponsabiliser. Ces discours montrent une normalisation de la violence qui revient à la notion de « banalité du mal » d’Hannah Arendt. Nos interviewés ont employé plusieurs rhétoriques des groupes paramilitaires afin de justifier la violence. Ces rhétoriques font partie de la construction psychologique de l’ennemi par les groupes et elles invitent à analyser le rôle du langage dans la construction d’une culture paramilitaire. Néanmoins, certains interviewés ont condamné la violence exercée par leur groupe. Nous avons observé qu’il existe plusieurs interprétations de la manière dont nos interviewés disaient avoir réagi aux contextes de violence de masse, ce qui nous a amenés à réfléchir aux notions de culpabilité morale et juridique.

Análisis de la estrategia de seguridad del Estado peruano frente a la estrategia de expansión de Sendero Luminoso entre 1986 y 1992

Desde 1980 el Perú entra a una de sus épocas más sangrientas: Sendero Luminoso un grupo armado de extracción marxista-maoista-leninista, guiado por Abimael Guzmán Reynoso se enfrenta en una guerra sin cuartel contra las Fuerzas Militares del Perú con el propósito de tomarse el poder. Este estudio de caso muestra como la respuesta del Estado fue inadecuada al reto que proponía Sendero a la vez que se exponen las razones por las cuales la población fue el factor determinante para frenar el avance de Sendero mediante la creación de grupos de autodefensa denominados Comités de Defensa.

De los movimientos de autodefensa campesina a la conformación de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) en el período de 1946 a 1966

El problema de la propiedad de la tierra en Colombia es un problema bastante antiguo que se remonta mucho antes del siglo XX, el cuestionamiento de los títulos de propiedad de los terratenientes, representa el inicio de una larga lucha del campesinado por defender su trabajo y su propia vida. En la presente investigación, se busca establecer la relación entre los conflictos por el acceso a la tierra y el origen de grupos guerrilleros en la región de Sumapaz, oriente y sur del Tolima en los años 1946 a 1966. En los años 1946 a 1966, en la transición de los grupos de autodefensa de masas a movimientos guerrilleros, fueron determinantes factores como: la desigualdad social en el campo, los conflictos por el acceso a la tierra, la lucha bipartidista y la influencia del Partido Comunista. Estos factores tuvieron una fuerte incidencia en la organización campesina y posteriormente en la conformación de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC.

La Incidencia del Partido Comunista Colombiano en la conformación de Autodefensas Campesinas. Estudio de Caso: Los inicios de las Farc (1948-1954)

De las guerrillas liberales a las Autodefensas Campesinas: transición que da cuenta de la influencia del Partido Comunista Colombiano en el ámbito rural. El bipartidismo como punto de partida explica el recrudecimiento de la violencia a partir de estas transformaciones.

Incidencia de la Reforma Agraria de 1936 en la creación de Autodefensas Campesinas en Colombia.

La presente monografía busca establecer una conexión argumentada entre la expedición de la ley 200 de 1936 y la creación de Autodefensas Campesinas en la primera mitad del siglo XX en Colombia. Se buscan las razones estructurales por las cuales la sociedad rural se vio abocada a impulsar agrupaciones armadas para defender sus derechos fundamentales, debido a que el Estado demostró ser incapaz de protegerlos mientras que el odio entre clases rurales aumentó conforme se implementaba el capitalismo agrario en el país. Desde la Teoría del Conflicto de Clases Rurales de Jeffery Paige, se explicará la forma en la que se articulan las variables que no permiten una revolución social, pero si propician la aparición de este tipo de grupos campesinos armados e ilegales; que luego se transformarían en “Guerrillas”.