984 resultados para security governance


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The article suggests that while the report of the Independent Commission on Policing (ICP) provides a police reform blueprint for Northern Ireland and elsewhere, it can also be seen as an attempt to engage more elliptically with contemporary debates in security governance vis-a-vis the increasingly fragmented nature of late-modern policing and the role of the state. A decade into the reform process in Northern Ireland and in spite of the networked approach postulated by the ICP, the public police continue to enjoy a pre-eminent place and little evidence exists of any significant weakening of state steering and rowing of security. The discussion proposes a tentative typology explaining the continued colonization of security spaces by the State using constituent attendant processes of compartmentalizing, crowding out and corralling.

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Current security governance is often based on a centralized decision making model and still uses an ineffective 20th century risk management approach to security. This approach is relatively simple to manage since it needs almost no security governance below the top enterprise level where most decisions are made. However, while there is a role for more corporate governance, new regulations, and improved codes of best practice to address current weak organizational security practices, this may not be sufficient in the current dynamic security environment. Organizational information security must adapt to changing conditions by extending security governance to middle management as well as system/network administrators. Unfortunately the lack of clear business security objectives and strategies at the business unit level is likely to result in a compliance culture, where those responsible for implementing information security are more interested in complying with organizational standards and policies than improving security itself.

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Detecting malicious software or malware is one of the major concerns in information security governance as malware authors pose a major challenge to digital forensics by using a variety of highly sophisticated stealth techniques to hide malicious code in computing systems, including smartphones. The current detection techniques are futile, as forensic analysis of infected devices is unable to identify all the hidden malware, thereby resulting in zero day attacks. This chapter takes a key step forward to address this issue and lays foundation for deeper investigations in digital forensics. The goal of this chapter is, firstly, to unearth the recent obfuscation strategies employed to hide malware. Secondly, this chapter proposes innovative techniques that are implemented as a fully-automated tool, and experimentally tested to exhaustively detect hidden malware that leverage on system vulnerabilities. Based on these research investigations, the chapter also arrives at an information security governance plan that would aid in addressing the current and future cybercrime situations.

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In 2004, the discourse of ‘legacy’ was woven into the constitutional fabric of the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Bidding for Olympic events is now premised on procuring post-event legacies that will resonate through local communities and host countries long after the flame is extinguished. Given vast expenditures in security, policing, and emergency management operations at major sporting events, it is notable that the IOC and its official partners have disproportionately under-represented security and policing legacies. This paper addresses research into security and policing legacies of major events by turning much needed empirical attention towards institutional level geographies of security and policing – particularly on legacies of policing and militarisation in Olympic host cities. Accordingly, the paper traces the institutional trajectory of the Military Liaison Unit (MLU) in the Vancouver Police Department who were heavily involved in coordinating the joint civilian–military effort throughout the lifecycle of the Vancouver 2010 Winter Games. Theoretically, the paper furthers Stephen Graham’s (2010) New Military Urbanism that considers the circulation of military expertise between neo-colonial frontiers of military intervention with Western urban spaces. In doing so, this paper unpacks an empirically guided temporal approach that discerns key drivers of militarisation as localised, empirical-based ‘trajectories’ of development of security and policing institutions, which are linked to, and circumscribed by, critical juncture episodes in the context of mega event security. The paper traces processes of the MLU to explain how conditions underpinning the civil–military divide in urban policing, as a series of jurisdictional, institutional, and by extension, geographical configurations have continued, changed or been abandoned in the context of the Vancouver 2010 Olympics. As such, this paper contributes to much needed debate on the controversies and opportunities inherent in security legacies and major events, which implicate the wider securitisation and militarisation of Western cities.

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This paper examines the participation of the European Union (EU) in the multilateral negotiations of the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). Given the EU’s declared commitment to effective multilateralism and dedication to act as a global security provider, the paper analyses to what extent the EU can be seen as an effective actor in supporting and promoting the ATT. It is argued that overall the EU was an effective player during the multilateral negotiations on the ATT, but the degree of its effectiveness varied along different dimensions. The EU was relatively successful in the achievement of its goals and in maintaining external cohesion during the negotiations, but it scored relatively low in its efforts to commit other major players to sign up to the ATT. The high level of institutional cooperation and the convergence of EU member states’ interests facilitated the EU’s effectiveness in the ATT negotiations, whereas the international context proved to be the major constraining factor.

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This article examines the transformation in the narratives of the international governance of security over the last two decades. It suggests that there has been a major shift from governing interventions designed to address the causes of security problems to the regulation of the effects of these problems. In rearticulating the goals of international actors, the means and mechanisms of security governance have also changed, no longer focused on the universal application of Western knowledge and resources but rather on the unique local and organic processes at work in societies that bear the brunt of these problems. This transformation takes the conceptualisation of security governance out of the traditional terminological lexicon of security expertise and universal solutions and instead articulates the problematic of security and the policing of global risks in terms of local management processes, suggesting that decentralised coping strategies and self-policing are more effective and sustainable solutions.

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In 2004, the discourse of ‘legacy’ was woven into the constitutional fabric of the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Bidding for Olympic events is now premised on procuring post-event legacies that will resonate through local communities and host countries long after the flame is extinguished. Given vast expenditures in security, policing, and emergency management operations at major sporting events, it is notable that the IOC and its official partners have disproportionately under-represented security and policing legacies. This paper addresses research into security and policing legacies of major events by turning much needed empirical attention towards institutional level geographies of security and policing – particularly on legacies of policing and militarisation in Olympic host cities. Accordingly, the paper traces the institutional trajectory of the Military Liaison Unit (MLU) in the Vancouver Police Department who were heavily involved in coordinating the joint civilian–military effort throughout the lifecycle of the Vancouver 2010 inter Games. Theoretically, the paper furthers Stephen Graham’s (2010) New Military Urbanism that considers the circulation of military expertise between neo-colonial frontiers of military intervention with Western urban spaces. In doing so, this paper unpacks an empirically guided temporal approach that discerns key drivers of militarisation as localised, empirical-based ‘trajectories’ of development of security and policing institutions, which are linked to, and circumscribed by, critical juncture episodes in the context of mega event security. The paper traces processes of the MLU to explain how conditions underpinning the civil–military divide in urban policing, as a series of jurisdictional, institutional, and by extension, geographical configurations have continued, changed or been abandoned in the context of the Vancouver 2010 Olympics. As such, this paper contributes to much needed debate on the controversies and opportunities inherent in security legacies and major events, which implicate the wider securitisation and militarisation of Western cities.

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The aim of this special issue is to widen the existing debates on security privatization by looking at how and why an increasing number of private actors beyond private military and/or security companies (PMSCs) have come to perform various security related functions. While PMSCs produce security for profit, most other private sector actors make profit by selling goods and services that were originally not connected with security in the traditional understanding of the term. However, due to the continuous introduction of new legal and technical regulations by public authorities, many non- security related private businesses nowadays have to perform at least some security functions. Little research, however, has been done thus far, both in terms of security practices of non- security related private businesses and their impact on security governance. This introduction explains how this special issue contributes to closing this glaring gap by 1) extending the conceptual and theoretical arguments in the existing body of literature; and 2) offering a range of original case studies on the specific roles of non- security related private companies of all sizes, areas of businesses, and geographic origin.

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The subtle and complex nature of Northern Ireland's transitional landscape presents acute difficulties for the community policing concept. As the core to the police reforms in the country, its implementation has faltered in the face of institutional inertia within the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). This has been further exacerbated by a failure of the police to adequately increase the co-production of security through improved engagement and utilization of Northern Ireland's diverse community infrastructures. This paper will assess the delivery of community policing by the PSNI, while exploring their engagement with Northern Ireland's grass-roots community organizations, and specifically those involved with the governance of security at the local level. Thus, through a framework of adaptation, engagement and delivery of community policing by the PSNI within the unique context of Northern Ireland's security ‘otherness’, the paper will explore the key issues to police–community interaction associated with the broader vision of the Independent Commission on Policing (ICP) on community policing.

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This edited volume analyzes recent key developments in EU border management. In light of the refugee crises in the Mediterranean and the responses on the part of EU member states, this volume presents an in-depth reflection on European border practices and their political, social and economic consequences. Approaching borders as concepts in flux, the authors identify three main trends: the rise of security technologies such as the EUROSUR system, the continued externalization of EU security governance such as border mission training in third states, and the unfolding dynamics of accountability. The contributions show that internal security cooperation in Europe is far from consolidated, since both political oversight mechanisms and the definition of borders remain in flux. This edited volume makes a timely and interdisciplinary contribution to the ongoing academic and political debate on the future of open borders and legitimate security governance in Europe. It offers a valuable resource for scholars in the fields of international security and migration studies, as well as for practitioners dealing with border management mechanisms.

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In this chapter the co-editors introduce the comparative volume and its rationales, provide context about national security, surveillance and terror in both Canada and Australia, describe contributions found in the volume, and conclude with an overview of the volume.

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Comment concevoir la sécurité et le conflit violent d’aujourd’hui ? Cette étude traite de la pertinence de l’étude des questions environnementales au champ de la gouvernance de la sécurité dans le cadre de la consolidation de la paix. Ainsi, nous cherchons à décrire les liens entre les enjeux environnementaux, la sécurité et le conflit violent, à étudier le potentiel des projets environnementaux pour la gouvernance de la sécurité, de présenter les recommandations pour améliorer la durabilité de ces interventions, tout en considérant la question des écophilosophies. Nous avons opté pour des données de type qualitatif, soit sept entrevues semi-directives réalisées avec des professionnels du domaine des opérations de paix, quatre webémissions et neuf documents écrits. Toutes ont été traitées selon les directives de la théorie ancrée. Notre analyse démontre une interdépendance entre la détérioration environnementale, la sécurité et la dynamique des conflits armés. À l’instar de cette interaction, la « coopération environnementale » et la gestion des ressources naturelles serviraient à établir un dialogue entre les belligérants dans un objectif de bâtir la confiance, mais aussi à promouvoir le développement durable. La participation citoyenne constituerait un facteur incontournable pour développer la résilience des populations et des institutions face aux changements environnementaux et sociaux rapides et par conséquent favoriserait une sécurité humaine plus stable. Or, les réformes de gouvernance de la sécurité demandent une plus grande intégration de la population. Pour conclure, nous avons produit un modèle d’intégration des questions environnementales dans le but d’améliorer la gouvernance de la sécurité dans le cadre de consolidation de la paix en milieux postconflits. Sous forme de six énoncés pratiques, nous expliquons l’importance d’imbriquer les concepts de sécurité humaine et environnementale, d’exploiter les opportunités que présentent les situations d’interdépendances, de considérer davantage les interventions locales, d’adopter une approche participative, d’utiliser la coopération environnementale et de privilégier les approches stratégiques amenant à des solutions gagnantes pour tous.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la gestion des risques informationnels dans l’entreprise privée. Plus précisément, nous avons cherché à comprendre, à partir de l’expérience et du point de vue des gestionnaires de la sécurité, comment s’élaborait une prise de décisions relativement à la protection des actifs informationnels d’une entreprise, de l’identification des risques à la mise en place de mesures visant à les réduire. Pour ce faire, nous devions dégager les éléments du contexte organisationnel qui contribuent à façonner les décisions du gestionnaire de la sécurité en cette matière en considérant deux principales dimensions : la dynamique relationnelle à l’œuvre de même que les enjeux, les contraintes et les opportunités susceptibles d’influence la prise de décisions. Nous voulions également connaitre le rôle et les responsabilités du gestionnaire de la sécurité au sein de ce processus décisionnel et préciser, le cas échéant, sa participation au modèle de gouvernance de gestion des risques. Pour rendre compte de la complexité de ce processus, il semblait approprié de concevoir un cadre théorique combinant deux approches: l’approche multidimensionnelle du risque et l’approche de la transaction sociale. Si la première considère que la définition du risque doit être contextualiser, l’autre admet que la dynamique relationnelle n’est pas le simple fait de jeux entres acteurs stratégiques. L’analyse en fonction de ses deux approches a révélé que la gestion des risques informationnels dans une entreprise est largement tributaire des caractéristiques personnelles du gestionnaire de la sécurité. Certes, le contexte organisationnel et la multiplication des enjeux sécuritaires exercent une influence considérable sur le processus décisionnel mais l’expérience, les connaissances et les capacités communicationnelles du gestionnaire contribuent directement à la réussite de chaque phase du processus de gestion des risques informationnels.

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Le présent travail de recherche se propose d’analyser les dispositifs de gouvernance nodale de la sécurité locale en France, alors que le paradigme a vu le jour et s’est développé dans les pays anglo-saxons fortement décentralisés. C’est qu’en France les dispositifs de gouvernance nodale s’apparentent bien plus à un dialogue entre central et local qu’entre secteur public et privé. La recherche identifie ainsi les caractéristiques de la gouvernance nodale au cœur des dispositifs partenariaux de la sécurité locale, supportés par le Contrat Local de Sécurité (CLS), le Conseil Local de Sécurité et de Prévention de la Délinquance (CLSPD) ou encore le Groupe Local de Traitement de la Délinquance (GLTD). La recherche identifie ainsi les stratégies de décentrage de l’État et de transfert de la production de sécurité vers une diversité d’acteurs locaux, dont les maires et les services municipaux. Une diversité de politiques publiques locales de sécurité de pertinences différentes voit alors le jour. Le premier enseignement de cette recherche est l’importance du rôle joué par le node super-structurel, que nous appelons super-node et qui regroupe le maire ou l’élu local à la sécurité, le responsable de la police d’État, celui de la police municipale et le représentant de l’État. Il apparaît que dans le dispositif de gouvernance nodale, ce groupe informel génère la dynamique collective qui permet de regrouper, tant les producteurs que les consommateurs de sécurité locale gravitant au sein du réseau local de sécurité. La quarantaine d’entrevues qualitatives permet également d’identifier que la Justice, productrice de sécurité comme peut l’être aussi la sécurité privée ou la médiation sociale, apparaît plus distante que ce que pouvait laisser penser l’étude des textes réglementaires organisant le partenariat. Les bailleurs sociaux, les transporteurs et l’Éducation nationale apparaissent clairement comme des acteurs importants, mais périphériques de sécurité, en intégrant cette « famille élargie » de la sécurité locale. Le deuxième enseignement est relatif au fonctionnement même du dispositif nodal ainsi que du super-node, la recherche permettant d’identifier les ressources mutualisées par l’ensemble des nodes. Cela permet également d’identifier les mécanismes de répartition des tâches entre les différents acteurs et plus particulièrement entre les deux organisations policières d’État et municipale, travaillant autant en compétition, qu’en complémentarité. Cette recherche explore également le rôle joué par l’information dans le fonctionnement du super-node ainsi que l’importance de la confiance dans les relations interpersonnelles des représentants des nodes au sein du super-node. Enfin, l’étude permet également de mettre en perspective les limites du dispositif actuel de gouvernance nodale : le défaut avéré d’outils performants permettant d’informer convenablement le super-node quant aux phénomènes de violence ainsi que d’évaluer l’efficience du dispositif. Cela permet également de questionner l’autonomie des dispositifs de gouvernance nodale, la confiance pouvant ouvrir à la déviance et la collégialité au défaut de la traçabilité de la responsabilité. La fracture avec la société civile apparaît clairement et ne facilite pas le contrôle sur un mode de production de sécurité qui se développe en parallèle des dispositifs traditionnels de démocratie locale.