Repensando la articulación entre trascendencia y Res Publica

La Política de Plalón es recibida por la tradiclón ciceroniana como Res Publica. EStamos ante un cambio de época. En la época de Plalón, hacía falta señalar la trascendencia del Bien para fundar la justicia en la Polis. En la de Aristóteles, basta señalarlo como un "punto de fuga" hacia el cual tendemos. El mundo romano parece poner el énfasis en la Res.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

O cristão e a Res publica : lições da história mais antiga

No seio da própria Igreja surgiram sempre movimentos de resistência às ondas de secularização que o excessivo envolvimento na res publica sempre acarretou. O monaquismo do século IV foi mais um desses movimentos contra-a-corrente dos tempos que quis manter vivo o paradoxo da cidadania cristã e o horizonte da história alargado bem para além do que “os olhos que a terra há-de comer” podem abarcar.

XV Jornadas de Estudios Clásicos "Res publica: sociedad, gobierno y bien común" : Buenos Aires, Universidad Católica, 23 y 24 de junio de 2011

Fil: Sustersic, María Estanislada. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

XV Jornadas de Estudios Clásicos "Res publica: sociedad, gobierno y bien común" : Buenos Aires, Universidad Católica, 23 y 24 de junio de 2011

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XV Jornadas de Estudios Clásicos "Res publica: sociedad, gobierno y bien común" : Buenos Aires, Universidad Católica, 23 y 24 de junio de 2011

Fil: Sustersic, María Estanislada. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Teaching and scholarship & the res publica,

The liberal arts college and the course of human affairs.--The modern languages and our melting pot.--The college teacher and his high school colleague.--The scientist and our social problems.--The business man and better education.--The twentieth century and the United States.

Platonis Res publica /

Mode of access: Internet.

Nueva ara dedicada a “Mater Dea” procedente de “Veleia” (Iruña de Oca, Álava)

[ES] La realización de algunos trabajos de adecuación del paisaje en la zona sur de la ciudad, en la zona extramuros del llamado "oppidum", han dado como resultado hace pocas semanas la identificación de algunas estructuras de época romana y, sobre todo, de un ara dedicada a la diosa "Mater" cuyo texto conservado abre muchas posibilidades de análisis futuro sobre este asentamiento.

'Work and Emancipatory Practice: Towards a Recovery of Human Beings' Productive Capacities,'

This article argues that productive work represents a mode of human flourishing unfortunately neglected in much current political theorizing. Focusing on Habermasian critical theory, I contend that Habermas’s dualist theory of society, on account of the communicative versus instrumental reason binary which underpins it, excludes work and the economy from ethical reflection. To avoid this uncritical turn, we need a concept of work that retains a core emancipatory referent. This, I claim, is provided by Alasdair MacIntyre’s notion of ‘practice’. The notion of ‘practice’ is significant in suggesting an alternative conception of human productivity that is neither purely instrumental nor purely communicative, but rather both simultaneously, a form of activity which issues in material products and yet presumes a community of workers engaged in intersubjective self-transformation. However, we can endorse MacIntyre’s notion of ‘practice’ only if we reject his totalizing anti-modernism and insist on the emancipatory potentialities of modern institutions.

Unilateral Forgiveness and the Task of Reconciliation

Although forgiveness is often taken to bear a close connection to the value
of reconciliation, there is a good deal of scepticism about its role in situations where there is no consensus on the moral complexion of the past and no admission of guilt on the part of the perpetrator. This scepticism is typically rooted in the claims that forgiveness without perpetrator acknowledgement (1) aggravates the risk of recidivism; (2) yields a substandard and morally compromised form of political accommodation; and (3) comes across as patronizing and offensive to the recipient, thereby causing further alienation. In this article, my aim is to show, firstly, that none of these arguments is decisive and, secondly, that forgiveness is a suitable object of political concern in the
absence of cross-community consensus on the rights and wrongs of a conflict. In this way, I aim to demonstrate that forgiveness deserves to be taken seriously as a means to civic reconciliation in a broader range of situations than many have allowed.