A missing peace? The role of religious actors in countering terrorism

Despite the surge of scholarly interest in terrorism and counter-terrorism in the post-9/11 world, surprisingly little attention has been paid to the role of religious actors (especially faith communities and faith leaders) in combating the threat of terrorism. However, the resurgence of religiosity in contemporary politics should not be viewed as an inherently dangerous force. As Appleby has argued, a new secular-religious model of inter and intra-state diplomacy looms as a development with significant potential to resolve conflict and deny terrorist groups access to communities of support. By drawing on an Australian example, we argue that in societies that have a strong multicultural and multifaith character secular-religious diplomacy pitched at the national and sub-national level can play an important role in the formation of a flexible long-term counterterrorism strategy.

Everyday Indivisibility: How Exclusive Religious Practices Explain Variation in Subnational Violence Outcomes

This project explores the puzzle of religious violence variation. Religious actors initiate conflict at a higher rate than their secular counterparts, last longer, are more deadly, and are less prone to negotiated termination. Yet the legacy of religious peacemakers on the reduction of violence is undeniable. Under what conditions does religion contribute to escalated violence and under what conditions does it contribute to peace? I argue that more intense everyday practices of group members, or high levels of orthopraxy, create dispositional indivisibilities that make violence a natural alternative to bargaining. Subnational armed groups with members whose practices are exclusive and isolating bind together through ritual practice, limit the acceptable decisions of leaders, and have prolonged timeframes, all of which result in higher levels of intensity, intransigence and resolve during violent conflict. The theory challenges both instrumentalist and constructivist understandings of social identity and violence. To support this argument, I construct an original cross-national data-set that employs ethnographic data on micro-level religious practices for 724 subnational armed groups in both civil wars and terror campaigns. Using this data, I build an explanatory “religious practice index” for each observation and examine its relationship with conflict outcomes. Findings suggest that exclusive practice groups fight significantly longer with more intensity and negotiate less. I also apply the practice model to qualitative cases. Fieldwork in the West Bank and Sierra Leone reveals that groups with more exclusive religious practicing membership are principle contributors to violence, whereas those with inclusive practices can contribute to peace. The project concludes with a discussion about several avenues for future research and identifies the practical policy applications to better identify and combat religious extremism.

Religious fundamentalism and utopianism in the 21st century

Why is it so difficult to respond to religious fundamentalism from within a liberal paradigm? This paper explores a core problem within religious fundamentalism, stemming from its relationship to the phenomenon of utopianism. This is a complex relationship, which occurs on several different levels, including the content of fundamentalist visions (religious fundamentalisms contain utopian visions of the good life), and its structural paradigm (utopianism and fundamentalism both stem from discontent with the now, challenge cornerstones of their contemporaneous world, and desire radically different alternatives). Of greatest concern is an attachment to perfection, which permits a malign form of utopianism to propel religious actors into a politics of ‘divinely sanctioned’ violence.

Reflexivity, Scientificity and the Sociology of Religion: Pierre Bourdieu in Debate

This paper explores the relevance of Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘epistemic reflexivity’ for the sociology of religion, in particular by examining his neglected address to the French Association for the Sociology of Religion in 1982. Whilst sociologists of religion have addressed some issues of reflexivity in their practice, less attention has been paid to the crucial scientific requirement, highlighted by Bourdieu, to break from the ‘illusio’ of that field and thus avoid alignments with positions taken by religious actors themselves. As a result, many sociologists inevitably participate in religious contestations and stakes, whether or not they affirm or deny their own religious identification with those they study. Although Bourdieu’s address was a response to a particular national and historical form of the sociology of religion, we argue that it retains much significance today and may lead to fruitful debate within the discipline.

Striking a Balance:Christianity and the Challenges of Long-Term Human Security in Zimbabwe

African evangelical/Pentecostal/charismatic (EPC) Christians-previously dismissed by scholars as apolitical-are becoming increasingly active socially and politically. This chapter presents a case study of an EPC congregation in Harare. It demonstrates how the congregation provides short-term human security by responding to the needs of the poor, while at the same time creating space where people can develop the "self-expression values" necessary for long-term human security. The case study also demonstrates that even under authoritarian states, religious actors can actively choose to balance the immediate demands of short-term human security with the sometimes competing demands of long-term human security. Policymakers can benefit from a greater understanding of how religious actors strike this balance and from a greater appreciation of the variability, flexibility, and religious resources of EPC Christians in such contexts.

Religion, pragmatic fundamentalism and the transformation of the Northern Ireland conflict

Since 11 September 2001, the religious dimension of conflict has been the focus of increasing attention. In The Clash of Civilizations, Huntington has identified the West in religious-cultural terms, as Christian with a dominant democratic culture emphasizing tolerance, moderation and consensus. The persistence of conflict in Northern Ireland among 'White' Protestant and Catholic Christians undermines this simplistic argument and demands a more subtle understanding of the role of religion and fundamentalism in contemporary conflict. Modernization theory - which is echoed among some theorists of globalization - had predicted the declining importance of religion as the world became industrialized and increasingly interconnected. This is echoed by those who argue that the Northern Ireland conflict is 'ethno-national' and dismiss the role of religion. On the other hand, others have claimed that the conflict is religious and stress the role of Protestant fundamentalism. This article draws on new evidence from Northern Ireland of the complex and subtle ways in which religion impacts on the conflict there, incorporating insights about the pragmatism of fundamentalist Protestants and how religious actors are contributing to conflict transformation. This analysis leads to three broader conclusions about understanding conflicts with religious dimensions. First, the complexity of religion must be understood, and this includes a willingness to recognize the adaptability of fundamentalisms to particular contexts. Second, engaging with fundamentalists and taking their grievances seriously opens up possibilities for conflict transformation. Third, governments and religious actors within civil society can play complementary roles in constructing alternative (religious) ideologies and structures as part of a process of transformation. In a world in which the impact of religion is persistent, engaging with the religious dimension is a vital part of a broader-based strategy for dealing with conflict. © 2008 Journal of Peace Research.

Northern Ireland: Religion and Transitional Justice

The right to practice religion is recognised as one of the universal liberties transitional justice interventions are designed to defend, and religion is often mentioned as one of the cultural factors that impact on local transitional justice practices from below. Many human rights cases of abuse, however, are motivated by religious extremism and the association of religion with conflict has largely a discouraged reflection on its positive contribution to transitional justice. This field is undeveloped and the little work that elaborates its positive role is descriptive. This paper theorises the relationship between religion and transitional justice and develops a model for understanding its potential role that better allows an assessment of its strengths and weaknesses. The model is applied to original research conducted on ex-combatants in Northern Ireland, and concludes that only in very limited circumstances can religious actors make a telling contribution to transitional justice.Understanding what these circumstances are is the purpose of the model developed here.

Going for god : mobility, place and temporality among evangelical guineans in Lisbon

Tese de doutoramento, Antropologia (Antropologia da Religião e do Simbólico), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2014

Blood, fire and fertility : human remains and ritual practices at the temple pyramid groups of Cantona, Puebla, Mexico

La ville préhispanique de Cantona, située dans la vallée d’Oriental dans l’état de Puebla au Mexique, atteignit sa première apogée culturelle entre 150 av. J.C. et 600/650 A.D. Durant cette période, des complexes cérémoniaux comprenant des groupes de pyramides-temples et des terrains de jeu de balle furent construits. Ces installations servirent au déroulement de nombreux rites au cours desquels les victimes de sacrifices étaient décapitées, démembrées, décharnées, écorchées, bouillies, brûlées et, dans certains cas, consommées. D’autres traitements du corps humain comportent l’inhumation d’individus en position assise et repliés sur eux-mêmes. Pour mieux comprendre le traitement mortuaire rituel des corps humains à Cantona, les découvertes faites sur place sont comparées aux données datant de la même époque obtenues dans trois régions voisines : la vallée de Mexico, Puebla-Tlaxcala et le golfe du Mexique. A partir de ces renseignements, on peut en déduire que la majorité des découvertes faites à Cantona sont les restes des dépouilles et offrandes provenant de rites destinés à la communication avec les dieux et à l’obtention de la fertilité, tandis que les dépouilles des individus en position assise appartiennent à des prêtres ou à des personnages religieux.

Le Sionisme chrétien contemporain aux États-Unis, entre religion et politique

Réalisé en cotutelle avec L'Université Bordeaux-Montaigne

La controverse autour du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali : enjeux et stratégies des acteurs

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser et de comprendre la dynamique de la controverse autour de l’adoption en 2009 du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali. Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux principaux enjeux, c'est-à-dire aux questions à l’origine de cette controverse ainsi qu’aux stratégies mises en place par les différents acteurs sociaux (les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés, d’une part, et d’autre part, les organisations féminines et les leurs) afin d’infléchir le processus. En plus du pourquoi et du comment de cette controverse, notre recherche visait à comprendre le bilan du processus tiré par les acteurs eux-mêmes, le sentiment qui les anime à l’issu de ce long processus, leur appréciation de leur expérience, et leur vision de l’avenir. Pour étudier cette problématique, nous avons choisi l’approche de l’action collective protestataire, laquelle s’inspire à la fois des théories de l’action collective, et de celles des mouvements sociaux et des dynamiques contestataires. Afin d’analyser les enjeux au cœur de cette controverse, les stratégies utilisées par les acteurs ainsi que leur bilan du processus, nous avons opté pour une démarche qualitative. En plus de la littérature grise, des articles de presse, documents audio et audiovisuels sur le sujet, notre travail de terrain de quatre mois dans la capitale malienne nous a permis de réaliser plusieurs entrevues auprès des acteurs impliqués dans ce processus. S’étendant de 1996 à 2011, soit seize ans, l’élaboration du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali fut un processus long, complexe, inhabituel et controversé. Les résultats de notre recherche révèlent que plusieurs enjeux, notamment sociaux, étaient au cœur de cette controverse : le «devoir d’obéissance » de la femme à son mari, la légalisation du mariage religieux, l’« égalité » entre fille et garçon en matière d’héritage et de succession et la reconnaissance de l’enfant naturel ont été les questions qui ont suscité le plus de débats. Si durant tout le processus, les questions relatives à l’égalité de genre, au respect des droits de la femme et de l’enfant, étaient les arguments défendus par les organisations féminines et leurs alliés, celles relatives au respect des valeurs religieuses (islamiques), sociétales ou socioculturelles maliennes étaient, par contre, mises de l’avant par les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés. Ainsi, si le discours des OSC féminines portait essentiellement sur le « respect de l’égalité des sexes » conformément aux engagements internationaux signés par le Mali, celui des OSC islamiques s’est, en revanche, centré sur le « respect des valeurs islamiques et socioculturelles » du Mali. Quant aux canaux de communication, les OSC féminines se sont focalisées sur les canaux classiques comme la presse, les radios, les conférences, entre autres. Les OSC islamiques ont également utilisé ces canaux, mais elles se sont distinguées des OSC féminines en utilisant aussi les prêches. Organisés généralement dans les mosquées et autres espaces désignés à cet effet, ces prêches ont consacré la victoire des OSC islamiques. Les radios islamiques ont joué elles aussi un rôle important dans la transmission de leurs messages. Pour ce qui est des stratégies d’actions, l’action collective qui a changé la donne en faveur des OSC islamiques (renvoi du code en seconde lecture, prise en compte de leurs idées), a été le meeting du 22 août 2009 à Bamako, précédé de marches de protestation dans la capitale nationale et toutes les capitales régionales du pays. Quant aux OSC féminines, elles n’ont mené que quelques actions classiques (ou habituelle) comme les pétitions, le plaidoyer-lobbying, les conférences-débats, au point que certains observateurs ont parlé de « stratégie d’inaction » chez elles. L’analyse a également révélé l’utilisation de stratégies inusitées de menaces et d’intimidation par certains acteurs du camp des OSC islamiques à l’endroit des partisans du code. Si chaque groupe d’acteurs a noué des alliances avec des acteurs locaux, les OSC féminines sont les seules à reconnaitre des alliances avec les acteurs extérieurs. Aujourd’hui, si la plupart des membres des OSC islamiques ne cachent pas leur satisfaction face à leur « victoire » et se présentent en « sauveur de la nation malienne », la plupart des membres des OSC féminines se disent, quant à elles, très « déçues » et « indignées » face à l’adoption du code actuel. Elles ne comprennent pas pourquoi d’un « code progressiste », le Mali s’est retrouvé avec un « code rétrograde et discriminatoire » envers les femmes. La thèse confirme non seulement la difficile conciliation entre droit coutumier, loi islamique et droit « moderne », mais également l’idée que le droit demeure l’expression des rapports de pouvoir et de domination. Enfin, notre recherche confirme la désormais incontournable influence des acteurs religieux sur le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques au Mali.

Countering Islamophobia : Muslim participation in multifaith networks

In recent years a heightened awareness of global risks has produced an unprecedented interest in global peace and security initiatives. This article discusses the impact of international crisis events on religiously diverse communities in Australia, in particular rising Islamophobia, migrantophobia and attacks on multiculturalism. Religious communities have been far from passive in their responses to the impact of these events, initiating dialogue and educational activities to dispel negative stereotypes and attitudes. In addition, state actors, including police, have prioritized engagement with religious leaders, and this has resulted in a rise of state supported multifaith peacebuilding activities. The article argues that, in response to global risks of terror and exclusion, multifaith movements and multi-actor networks, including religious leaders, state actors, educators and the media, have the potential to advance common security. In response to conflicts both local and global, these examples of cooperation between religious and non-religious actors in Australia can be instructive to other increasingly multifaith societies.

Religion, politics and law in the European Union: an introduction

EU enlargement - to countries in Central and Eastern Europe in 2004, the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and increasing debates on Turkey’s membership - has dramatically transformed the European Union into a multi-religious space. Religious communities are not only shaping identities but are also influential factors in political discourse. This edited volume examines the activities of religious actors in the context of supranational European institutions and the ways in which they have responded to the idea of Europe at local and international levels. By bringing together scholars working in political science, history, law and sociology, this volume analyses key religious factors in contemporary EU architecture, such as the transformation of religious identities, the role of political and religious leaders, EU legislation on religion, and, the activities of religious lobbies. This book was published as a special issue of Religion, State and Society.

Religion, politics and law in the European Union

EU enlargement - to countries in Central and Eastern Europe in 2004, the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and increasing debates on Turkey’s membership - has dramatically transformed the European Union into a multi-religious space. Religious communities are not only shaping identities but are also influential factors in political discourse. This edited volume examines the activities of religious actors in the context of supranational European institutions and the ways in which they have responded to the idea of Europe at local and international levels. By bringing together scholars working in political science, history, law and sociology, this volume analyses key religious factors in contemporary EU architecture, such as the transformation of religious identities, the role of political and religious leaders, EU legislation on religion, and, the activities of religious lobbies.

Representing religion in the European Union:does God matter?

Religious actors are becoming part of the EU bureaucratic system, and their mobilisation in Brussels and Strasbourg in the last decade has increased dramatically. This book explores the mechanism and impact of religious representation by examining relations between religious practitioners and politicians in the European Union from the Second World War until today. This book seeks to answer the following questions: How do (trans)national religious groups enter into contact with European institutions? What are the rationale and the mechanisms of religious representation in the European Union? How are religious values transposed into political strategies? What impact has relations between religious practitioners, EU officials and politicians on the construction of the European Union? Examining religious representation at the state, transnational and institutional levels, this volume demonstrates that ‘faith’ is becoming an increasingly important element of the decision-making process. It includes chapters written by both academics and religious practitioners in dialogue with European institutions and will be of great interest to students and scholars of European politics, history, sociology of religion, law and international relations.