Workshop on engaging the human-computer interaction community with public policymaking internationally

There is an increasing interest in the intersection of human-computer interaction and public policy. This day-long workshop will examine successes and challenges related to public policy and human computer interaction, in order to provide a forum to create a baseline of examples and to start the process of writing a white paper on the topic.

Multiculturalism and Policymaking : A comparative study of Danish and Swedish cultural policies since 1969

This master’s thesis deals with the cultural diversity policies of Denmark and Sweden within the cultural sector. It attempts at explaining why these two “most-similar” scandinavian countries having in common the same cultural model, “the architect model”, opted for different policies when it came to cultural diversity: Assimilationism for Denmark and multiculturalism for Sweden. I show that though institutional and power-interest factors had an impact, ideas as “programmatic beliefs” (Sheri E. Berman 2001) or “frames” (Erik Bleich 2003) played the ultimate role. I evaluate their relative importance by analyzing the anthropological dimension of the countries cultural policies since 1969. The study confirms that at least in the cultural sector, Danish policies have been assimilationist and Swedish ones multiculturalist and proposes a new classification of terms.By investigating immigrants cultures, it fills a gap left by previous researchers working on a common Nordic cultural model.

Integrating gender into macroeconomic policy and The use of gender indicators in public policy-making.

This issue of the Gender Dialogue focuses on two programmatic areas of ECLAC’s work over recent years, namely (i) integrating gender into macroeconomic policy and (ii) the use of gender indicators in public policy-making. In its work on integrating gender into macroeconomic policy, the ECLAC Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean conducted a study to determine the capacity of economic planning units in selected countries of the subregion to integrate gender into the macreconomic planning process and the findings are highlighted below. The study is intended to assist in the development of a training agenda for Caribbean economic planners and others involved in the formulation of macroeconomic policy. Further, as part of a wider ECLAC project on the use of gender indicators in public policy–making, a database of gender indicators for the Caribbean has been created and the broad elements of the database are also presented in this issue.

Social Welfare and Behavioral Public Policies

In this work I discuss several key aspects of welfare economics and policy analysis and I propose two original contributions to the growing field of behavioral public policymaking. After providing a historical perspective of welfare economics and an overview of policy analysis processes in the introductory chapter, in chapter 2 I discuss a debated issue of policymaking, the choice of the social welfare function. I contribute to this debate by proposing an original methodological contribution based on the analysis of the quantitative relationship among different social welfare functional forms commonly used by policy analysts. In chapter 3 I then discuss a behavioral policy to contrast indirect tax evasion based on the use of lotteries. I show that the predictions of my model based on non-expected utility are consistent with observed, and so far unexplained, empirical evidence of the policy success. Finally, in chapter 4 I investigate by mean of a laboratory experiment the effects of social influence on the individual likelihood to engage in altruistic punishment. I show that bystanders’ decision to engage in punishment is influenced by the punishment behavior of their peers and I suggest ways to enact behavioral policies that exploit this finding.

Reinven????o do governo: o caso de culturas pol??ticas e estabelecimento de pol??ticas p??blicas

Nos ??ltimos anos, a institucionaliza????o de normas de confiabilidade e planejamento pol??tico, na administra????o p??blica israelense, tem preocupado v??rios comit??s sobre a reforma do servi??o p??blico e a reorganiza????o do governo. Este trabalho discute o hist??rico da cultura de estabelecimento das pol??ticas israelenses e seu efeito sobre recomenda????es para o planejamento, a an??lise, a avalia????o e a accountability das pol??ticas. Essa confian??a ?? interessante, em parte, porque tra??a uma rea????o aos arranjos institucionais, que s??o, de muitas maneiras, similares ??queles promovidos por defensores da Nova Gest??o P??blica. Ironicamente, no entanto, ela explica os esfor??os para substitu??-los por algo mais semelhante a arranjos burocr??ticos tradicionais.

Recursos para el análisis de las políticas públicas

Uno de los objetivos de la línea de Teoría y Práctica de las Políticas Públicas (TP3) es el análisis de las políticas públicas como objeto de estudio en sí mismo. En América Latina los estudios sobre este tema están más concentrados en el análisis práctico que en el académico, dejando de lado la posibilidad de teorizar y crear nuevos modelos que puedan ser replicados dentro de nuestros estudios de caso a nivel académico. Por ello, la tendencia ha sido la de copiar las teorías, enfoques y modelos propios de la escuela anglosajona (principalmente de Estados Unidos y Reino Unido), limitando nuestra capacidad de comprensión con respecto a nuestros fenómenos políticos, económicos y sociales. Por esta razón, durante el primer semestre de 2015 se creó el Semillero de Políticas Públicas con el fin de reflexionar sobre los vacíos que existen en la comprensión y el análisis de las políticas en Colombia y en Latinoamérica, para luego dar paso a la construcción de respuestas pertinentes. Esta publicación es el resultado de nuestra primera iniciativa como Semillero, la cual consiste en recoger las principales herramientas analíticas en el estudio académico de las políticas públicas, explicar sus postulados fundamentales, identificar sus fortalezas y debilidades y, finalmente, aplicar estas herramientas a un caso dentro del contexto colombiano.

Aglomeraciones en torno a los recursos naturales en América Latina y el Caribe: políticas de articulación y articulación de políticas

Incluye Bibliografía

Activities report of the initiative group of the working group on environmental statistics

Includes bibliography

Are CGE models still useful for economic policymaking?

Incluye Bibliografía

The biodiesel market and public policy: a comparative analysis of Argentina and Brazil

Includes bibliography

Mutual perceptions of Asia and the EU/Europe. Media, elite and public opinion in Singapore and Germany. EU Centre in Singapore Working Paper No. 12, December 2012

In an increasingly interlinked and interdependent world, Europe and Asia are key players. Free trade agreements (FTAs), such as the ones the EU concluded with South Korea and Singapore, are indicative of strong mutual economic interests. It is therefore timely to take a closer look at the mutual perceptions of Asians and Europeans – not only at the governmental and policymaking levels, but also in terms of public opinion and the media. Drawing on data from an extensive research project led by the National Centre for Research on Europe (NCRE), New Zealand, the empirical study in this paper assesses the mutual perceptions of the EU/Europe and Asia, and their respective actors, focusing on two countries – Germany and Singapore. It seeks to do so through an analysis of the data collected from print and broadcast media, interviews with media practitioners, and the findings from public opinion surveys.

Firm-level productivity growth in Northern Ireland:the impact of exporting, innovation and public financial assistance

Motivated by the historically poor productivity performance of Northern Ireland firms and the longstanding productivity gap with the UK, the aim of this thesis is to examine, through the use of firm-level data, how exporting, innovation and public financial assistance impact on firm productivity growth. These particular activities are investigated due to the continued policy focus on their link to productivity growth and the theoretical claims of a direct positive relationship. In order to undertake these analyses a newly constructed dataset is used which links together cross-sectional and longitudinal data over the 1998-2008 period from the Annual Business Survey, the Manufacturing Sales and Export Survey; the Community Innovation Survey and Invest NI Selective Financial Assistance (SFA) payment data. Econometric methodologies are employed to estimate each of the relationships with regards to productivity growth, making use in particular of Heckman selection techniques and propensity score matching to take account of critical issues of endogeneity and selection bias. The results show that more productive firms self-select into exporting but there is no resulting productivity effect from starting to export; contesting the argument for learning-by-exporting. Product innovation is also found to have no impact on productivity growth over a four year period but there is evidence of a negative process innovation impact, likely to reflect temporary learning effects. Finally SFA assistance, including the amount of the payment, is found to have no short term impact on productivity growth suggesting substantial deadweight effects and/or targeting of inefficient firms. The results provide partial evidence as to why Northern Ireland has failed to narrow the productivity gap with the rest of the UK. The analyses further highlight the need for access to comprehensive firm-level data for research purposes, not least to underpin robust evidence-based policymaking.

Turkish Security Policymaking on Nuclear Issues: Conceptualizing Advanced Cooperative Security Strategies

Turkey is a non-nuclear member of a nuclear alliance in a region where nuclear proliferation is of particular concern. As the only North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member that has a border with the Middle East, Turkish officials argue that Turkey cannot solely rely on NATO guarantees in addressing the regional security challenges. However, Turkey has not been able to formulate a security policy that reconciles its quest for independence, its NATO membership, the bilateral relationship with the United States, and regional engagement in the Middle East. This dissertation assesses the strategic implications of Turkey’s perceptions of the U.S./NATO nuclear and conventional deterrence on nuclear issues. It explores three case studies by the process tracing of Turkish policymakers’ nuclear-related decisions on U.S. tactical nuclear weapons deployed in Europe, national air and missile defense, and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds that the principles of Turkish security policymaking do not incorporate a fundamentally different reasoning on nuclear issues than conventional deterrence. Nuclear weapons and their delivery systems do not have a defining role in Turkish security and defense strategy. The decisions are mainly guided by non-nuclear considerations such as Alliance politics, modernization of the domestic defense industry, and regional influence. The dissertation argues that Turkey could formulate more effective and less risky security policies on nuclear issues by emphasizing the cooperative security approaches within the NATO Alliance over confrontational measures. The findings of this dissertation reveal that a major transformation of Turkish security policymaking is required to end the crisis of confidence with NATO, redefinition of the strategic partnership with the US, and a more cautious approach toward the Middle East. The dissertation argues that Turkey should promote proactive measures to reduce, contain, and counter risks before they develop into real threats, as well as contribute to developing consensual confidence-building measures to reduce uncertainty.

An enforced cooperation : understanding scientific assessments in adversarial polities through Quebec shale gas policymaking, 2010-2014

Les biotechnologies, le réchauffement climatique, les ressources naturelles et la gestion des écosystèmes sont tous représentatifs de la “nouvelle politique de la nature” (Hajer 2003), un terme englobant les enjeux marqués par une grande incertitude scientifique et un encadrement réglementaire inadapté aux nouvelles réalités, suscitant de fait un conflit politique hors du commun. Dans l'espoir de diminuer ces tensions et de générer un savoir consensuel, de nombreux gouvernements se tournent vers des institutions scientifiques ad hoc pour documenter l'élaboration des politiques et répondre aux préoccupations des partie-prenantes. Mais ces évaluations scientifiques permettent-elles réellement de créer une compréhension commune partagée par ces acteurs politiques polarisés? Alors que l'on pourrait croire que celles-ci génèrent un climat d'apprentissage collectif rassembleur, un environnement politique conflictuel rend l'apprentissage entre opposant extrêmement improbable. Ainsi, cette recherche documente le potentiel conciliateur des évaluation scientifique en utilisant le cas des gaz de schiste québécois (2010-2014). Ce faisant, elle mobilise la littérature sur les dimensions politiques du savoir et de la science afin de conceptualiser le rôle des évaluations scientifiques au sein d'une théorie de la médiation scientifique (scientific brokerage). Une analyse de réseau (SNA) des 5751 références contenues dans les documents déposés par 268 organisations participant aux consultations publiques de 2010 et 2014 constitue le corps de la démonstration empirique. Précisément, il y est démontré comment un médiateur scientifique peut rediriger le flux d'information afin de contrer l'incompatibilité entre apprentissage collectif et conflit politique. L'argument mobilise les mécanismes cognitifs traditionnellement présents dans la théorie des médiateurs de politique (policy broker), mais introduit aussi les jeux de pouvoir fondamentaux à la circulation de la connaissance entre acteurs politiques.

An enforced cooperation : understanding scientific assessments in adversarial polities through Quebec shale gas policymaking, 2010-2014

Les biotechnologies, le réchauffement climatique, les ressources naturelles et la gestion des écosystèmes sont tous représentatifs de la “nouvelle politique de la nature” (Hajer 2003), un terme englobant les enjeux marqués par une grande incertitude scientifique et un encadrement réglementaire inadapté aux nouvelles réalités, suscitant de fait un conflit politique hors du commun. Dans l'espoir de diminuer ces tensions et de générer un savoir consensuel, de nombreux gouvernements se tournent vers des institutions scientifiques ad hoc pour documenter l'élaboration des politiques et répondre aux préoccupations des partie-prenantes. Mais ces évaluations scientifiques permettent-elles réellement de créer une compréhension commune partagée par ces acteurs politiques polarisés? Alors que l'on pourrait croire que celles-ci génèrent un climat d'apprentissage collectif rassembleur, un environnement politique conflictuel rend l'apprentissage entre opposant extrêmement improbable. Ainsi, cette recherche documente le potentiel conciliateur des évaluation scientifique en utilisant le cas des gaz de schiste québécois (2010-2014). Ce faisant, elle mobilise la littérature sur les dimensions politiques du savoir et de la science afin de conceptualiser le rôle des évaluations scientifiques au sein d'une théorie de la médiation scientifique (scientific brokerage). Une analyse de réseau (SNA) des 5751 références contenues dans les documents déposés par 268 organisations participant aux consultations publiques de 2010 et 2014 constitue le corps de la démonstration empirique. Précisément, il y est démontré comment un médiateur scientifique peut rediriger le flux d'information afin de contrer l'incompatibilité entre apprentissage collectif et conflit politique. L'argument mobilise les mécanismes cognitifs traditionnellement présents dans la théorie des médiateurs de politique (policy broker), mais introduit aussi les jeux de pouvoir fondamentaux à la circulation de la connaissance entre acteurs politiques.