Grundfilosofiska ideér och pedagogisk verklighet : En jämförelse mellan behöriga och obehöriga lärare

I min uppsatts så undersöker jag om det finns någon uppenbar pedagogisk skillnad mellan behöriga och obehöriga lärare. I undersökningen så deltog två outbildade och två utbildade lärare. Jag gör undersökningen genom grundfilosofiskt perspektiv. Jag börjar med att ge lite statistik på hur fördelningen har varit mellan behöriga och obehöriga lärare från 1990-talets början till en början in på 2000-talet. Redovisar sedan fyra grundfilosofier essentialism, perennialism, progressivism och rekonstruktionism. Efter detta redovisar jag mina intervjuer och filminspelningar samt tolkar och redovisar dessa. Jag kommer framtill att jag inte kan se någon uppenbar skillnad i min intolkning av de olika lärarna vare sig de är utbildade eller inte.

Rejection of the fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine in Australia : a retreat from progressivism

This article canvasses the key Australian exclusionary rules and discretions to exclude evidence under both the common law and its statutory counterparts in the Uniform Evidence Legislation now in effect in the Commonwealth, Victoria, New South Wales, the Australian Capital Territory and Tasmania. In examining these exclusionary rules and discretions, an analysis is made as to whether evidence derived from primary evidence excluded under one or more of these rules should also be excluded under an American style 'fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine' - and why or why not. Finally, the article compares the current Australian approach to this doctrine with the present state of the American doctrine and the recognised exceptions thereto. The article concludes with recommendations for applying the doctrine in both countries, subject to suggested changes in the Jaw that take the realities of political correctness and human frailty into account.

Rape in Victoria as a crime of absolute liability : a departure from both precedent and progressivism

In recent decades, a disturbing trend has emerged in Victoria and elsewhere that has witnessed the emergence of statutory rules that accord preferential treatment to prosecutors and complainants in instances where allegations of rape are made. This article examines not only the manifestations of such treatment in the form of Victorian crime legislation, but the means by which the statutory crime of rape in Victoria has been transformed into an offence which, though technically one of mens rea, can effectively be prosecuted as an offence of absolute liability. The piece concludes with a discussion of the likely reasons for this trend as well as the implications of allowing such a serious offence to be prosecuted as one of absolute liability.

Child-centered teaching, redemption, and educational identities: A history of the present

Child-centeredness runs a familiar route in educational narratives. From Rousseau to Pestalozzi to Froebel to present day systems of childcare and schooling, childcenteredness is thought to have shifted the treatment of children into closer harmony with their true nature and hence into more sensitive and civilized forms of rearing. The celebratory air surrounding its deployment in education has been pervasive and difficult to contest partly because of the emotive alliances that have been drawn between child-centeredness and progressivism. That is, child-centeredness has been positioned as superseding a harsh, medieval ignorance of children while preventing present-day authoritarian strategies of domination. Child-centeredness is thus presently constituted as a soft space, as a deeply sensitive middle ground, between ignoring children and dominating them completely.

The dangerous and the good? Developmentalism, progress, and public schooling

In light of numerous critiques of developmentalism, this article examines whether developmentalism has been a dangerous way to think about human life. It traces the emergence of different kinds of developmental discourse, locates the discursive preconditions for developmentalism's dominance in education, and examines the conjuncture between developmentalism and progressivism in shaping the limits of education's discursive field since the late 19th century. The article examines some of the productive and repressive legacies of developmental reasoning and concludes by examining present efforts to destabilize and fracture developmental discourse. It suggests that the historical articulation of developmentalism to an idea of progress has not been undermined through present-day critiques that still implicitly project "progress" as the grounds for efforts to destabilize "development. "Alternatives to developmental discourse are considered in relation to how judgments of the dangerous and the good have been shaped through problematic narratives of progress and human freedom. The Dangerous and the Good? Developmentalism, Progress, and Public Schooling - ResearchGate. Available from: http://www.researchgate.net/publication/250184611_The_Dangerous_and_the_Good_Developmentalism_Progress_and_Public_Schooling [accessed Nov 16, 2015].

On Suffering and Sympathy: Jude the Obscure, Evolution and Ethics

This article links Thomas Hardy’s exploration of sympathy in Jude the Obscure to contemporary scientific debates over moral evolution. Tracing the relationship between pessimism, progressivism, and determinism in Hardy’s understanding of sympathy, it also considers Hardy’s conception of the author as enlarger of “social sympathies”--a position, I argue, that was shaped by Leslie Stephen’s advocacy of novel writing as moral art. Considering Hardy’s engagement with writings by Charles Darwin, T. H. Huxley, Herbert Spencer, and others, I explore the novel’s participation in a debate about the evolutionary significance of sympathy and its implications for Hardy’s understanding of moral agency. Hardy, I suggest, offered a stronger defence of morality based on biological determinism than Darwin, but this determinism was linked to an unexpected evolutionary optimism.

Debating Darwin at the Cape

This paper focuses attention on the fortunes of Darwin's theory among the English-speaking community in Cape Colony during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The paper begins with a review of early encounters with Darwin dwelling particularly on the response of figures like Roderick Noble - professor and editor of the Cape Monthly Magazine, the geologist John Shaw, and Sir Henry Barkly, governor of the colony. Besides these more theoretical responses, Darwin's ideas were also mobilised in a range of scientific inquiries on such subjects as birds and butterflies. But most conspicuous was the use of evolutionary thought-forms in the work of the eminent philologist Wilhelm Bleek, cousin of Darwin's leading German apologist, Ernst Haeckel. The prevailing sense is of a liberal intelligentsia calmly interacting with a novel theory with all due deference. During the 1870s, an address by Langham Dale at the South African Public Library injected new energy into the Darwin discussion. Dale expressed disquiet over some of the anthropological implications of evolution as well as its apparent reductionism, and this stimulated a range of reactions. Several anonymous commentators responded but the most sustained evaluation of Dale's position emanated from the Queenstown physician and later politician, Sir William Bisset Berry. Then, in 1874, copious extracts from John Tyndall's infamous 'Belfast Address' were printed in the Cape Monthly and this added yet further impetus to the debate. Tyndall's seeming materialism bothered a number of readers, not least Hon William Porter, former attorney-general of Cape Colony. To figures like these the materialist extrapolations of radical Darwinians such as Haeckel were deeply disturbing, not just for religious reasons, but because they seemed to destabilise the moral and pedagogic progressivism that lay at the heart of their civilising credo. While reservations about Darwin's proposals were certainly audible, taken in the round Darwinian conversations among the English-speaking literati at the Cape were conducted with liberal sentiments, not least when evolutionary science approached questions of race. For Darwin's writings were seen to confirm a monogenetic account of the origin and unity of the human race, and could readily be called upon to justify the paternalistic ideology that governed colonial affairs.

La Commission administrative et la modernisation des structures politiques et administratives de Montréal, 1918-1921

Ce mémoire revient sur la première tutelle de la Ville de Montréal, imposée par le gouvernement provincial de 1918 à 1921. Pour l’occasion, le Lieutenant-gouverneur du Québec nomme cinq administrateurs afin de gérer les affaires courantes de la municipalité. Peu connu des historiens et du public, cet événement suscite des changements profonds dans les structures politiques et administratives de la Ville qui laissent des empreintes dans la vie quotidienne actuelle des Montréalais. Puisqu’ils ne sont pas redevables devant la population, les commissaires mettent en œuvre plusieurs réformes souvent impopulaires qui permettent de rétablir l’équilibre budgétaire de la Ville. Au passage, ils tentent de moderniser l’administration municipale dont le fonctionnement est jusque-là incompatible avec les réalités d’une population grandissante et d’un espace urbain accru par les nombreuses annexions. Notre étude souligne les réformes implantées par la Commission administrative au niveau de la fiscalité, de l’organisation des services municipaux et des politiques d'urbanisme. Elles s’inspirent de réformes mises en œuvre dans plusieurs villes nord-américaines de grande taille. Durant leur mandat, les nouveaux administrateurs cherchent à imposer un modèle d’administration s’inspirant de grandes entreprises privées et réussissent à réduire de manière substantielle le déficit de la Ville. Enfin, une attention particulière est accordée à la fin du mandat de la Commission administrative et au régime administratif qui lui fait suite.

The all for Australia league in New South Wales : a study in political entrepreneurship and hegemony

In 1931, the All for Australia League and other 'citizens movements' mounted a major challenge to the established conservative parties. Traditional views of the League saw it as a reflection of economic group interests, whether of the business establishment or dissident capitalists such as manufactures. More recent scholarship has stressed middle-class concerns with 'sound finance' as the inspiration of the League. This paper instead situates the League in the historical context of centre party projects in New South Wales, and of progressivism, in particular industrial psychology. The economic crisis and the rightward shift of the nationalists enabled a group of political entrepreneurs to transform the League from a front group for business into a populist movement. However, the shift of mainstream conservatism back to the political centre fatally undercut the League's support base.

Within and against performativity : discursive engagement in adult literacy and basic education

The field of adult literacy and basic education (ALBE) has undergone dramatic changes in recent years with the advent of labour market programs, accreditation, competency-based assessment and competitive tendering for program funds. Teachers' working conditions have deteriorated and their professional autonomy has been eroded. ALBE has been increasingly instrumentalised to fulfil the requirements of a marketised economy and conform to its norms. The beliefs and value systems which traditionally underpinned the work of ALBE teachers have been reframed according to the principle of 'performativity' and the demands of the 'performative State' (Lyotard, 1984: 46, Yeatman 1994: 110). The destabilisation of teachers' working lives can be understood as a manifestation of the 'postmodern condition' (Lyotard 1984; Harvey 1989): the collapse of the certainties and purposes of the past; the proliferation of technologies; the impermanence and intensification of work; the commodification of knowledge and curricula; and the dissolving of boundaries between disciplines and fields of knowledge. The critiques of the modernist grand narratives which underpin progressivist and critical approaches to adult literacy pedagogy have further undermined the traditional points of reference of ALBE teachers. In this thesis I examine how teachers are teaching, surviving, resisting, and 'living the contradictions' (Seddon 1994) in the context of struggles to comply with and resist the requirements of performativity. Following Foucault and a number of feminist poststructuralist authors, I have applied the notions of 'discursive engagement' and 'the politics of discourse' (Yeatman 1990a) as a way of theorising the interplay between imposed change and teachers' practice. I explore the discursive practices which take place at the interface between the 'new' policy discourses and older, naturalised discourses; how teachers are engaged by and are engaging with discourses of performativity; how teachers are discursively constructing adult literacy pedagogy; what new, hybrid discourses of 'good practice' are emerging; and the micropractices of resistance which teachers are enacting in their speech and in their practice. My purpose was to develop knowledge which would support the reflexivity of teachers; to enrich the theoretical languages that teachers could draw upon in trying to make sense of their situation; and to use those languages in speaking about the dilemmas of practice. I used participatory action research as a means of producing knowledge about teachers' practices, structured around their agency, and reflecting their standpoint (Harding 1993). I describe two separate action research projects in which teachers of ALBE participated. I reflect on both projects in the light of poststructuralist theory and consider them as instances of what Lather calls 'within/against research' (Lather 1989: 27). I analyse written and spoken texts produced in both projects which reflect teachers' responses to competency-based assessment and other features of the changing context. I use a method of discourse mapping to describe the discursive field and the teachers' discursive practices. Three main configurations of discourse are delineated: 'progressivism', 'professional teacher' and 'performativity'. The teachers mainly position themselves within a hybridising 'progressivist /professional teacher' discourse, as a discourse of resistance to 'performative' discourse. In adapting their pedagogies, the teachers are in some degree taking the language and world view of performativity into their own vocabularies and practices. The discursive picture I have mapped is complex and contradictory. On one hand, the 'progressivist /professional teacher' discourse appears to endure and to take strength from the articulation into it of elements of performative discourse, creating new possibilities for discursive transformation. On the other hand, there are signs that performative discourse is colonising and subsuming progressivist /professional teacher discourse. At times, both of these tendencies are apparent in the one text. Six micropractices of resistance are identified within the texts: 'rational critique', 'objectification', 'subversion', 'refusal', 'humour' and 'the affirmation of desire'. These reflect the teachers' agency in making discursive choices on the micro level of their every day practices. Through those micropractices, the teachers are engaging with and resisting the micropractices and meanings of performativity. I apply the same multi-layered method of analysis to an examination of discursive engagement in pedagogy by analysing a transcript of the teachers' discussion of critical incidents in their classrooms. Their classroom pedagogies are revealed as complex, situated and eclectic. They are combining and integrating their 'embodied' and their 'institutional' powers, both 'seducing' (McWilliam 1995) and 'regulating' (Gore 1993) as they teach. A strong ethical project is apparent in the teachers' sense of social responsibility, in their determination to adhere to valued traditions of previous times, and in their critical self-awareness of the ways in which they use their institutional and embodied powers in the classroom. Finally, l look back on the findings, and reflect on the possibilities of discursive engagement and the politics of discourse as a framework for more strategic practice in the current context. This research provides grounds for hope that, by becoming more self-conscious about how we engage discursively, we might become more strategic in our everyday professional practice. Not withstanding the constraints (evident in this study) which limit the strategic potential of the politics of discourse, there is space for teachers to become more reflexive in their professional, pedagogical and political praxis. Development of more deliberate, self-reflexive praxis might lead to a 'postmodern democratic polities' (Yeatman 1994: 112) which would challenge the performative state and the system of globalised capital which it serves. Short abstract Adult literacy and basic education (ALBE) teachers have experienced a period of dramatic policy change in recent years; in particular, the introduction of competency-based assessment and competitive tendering for program funds. 'Discourse politics' provides a way of theorising the interplay between policy-mediated institutional change and teachers' practice. The focus of this study is 'discursive engagement'; how teachers are engaged by and are engaging with discourses of performativity. Through two action research projects, texts were generated of teachers talking and writing about how they were responding to the challenges, and developing their pedagogies in the new policy environment. These texts have been analysed and several patterns of discursive engagement delineated, named and illustrated. The strategic potential of 'discourse polities' is explored in the light of the findings.

A força das coisas: etapas do desenvolvimento histórico - notas de pesquisa

Este texto veio a constituir, modificado, o primeiro capítulo de nossa tese de mestrado - A Fênix tropical: nota crítica sobre o dualismo e a teoria da dependência, Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. Trata dos seguintes temas: I - A filosofia da história, o marxismo e a objetividade; II - O pensamento social brasileiro: as teorias do/sobre o desenvolvimento e o marxismo apologético: 1.º Werner Baer: a objetividade conservadora contra as paixões reformistas; 2.º Carlos Lessa: Industrialização como decisão; 3.º ISEB: objetividade reformista contra paixões socialistas; 4.º Maturidade política contra aventuras socialistas; III - Os pressupostos comuns.

A Biblioteca Pública do Maranhão como instituição educacional

Neste trabalho, apresenta-se a descrição histórica da Biblioteca Pública do Maranhão. Aborda-se a situação econômica, política e social vivenciada no estado, no século XIX, que contribuiu para a sua criação e expõem-se, ainda, os fatores que condicionaram a sua falência e o seu ressurgimento no início da Primeira República, marcada pela identidade sociocultural progressista. Além disso, pontuam-se os principais aspectos educativos existentes na biblioteca, na gestão de Antônio Lobo. O método empregado se caracteriza como histórico-descritivo, baseando-se, principalmente, na análise e na descrição dos Relatórios Presidenciais do Maranhão, referentes ao século XIX e início do XX. Desta forma, o estudo constatou que a história da biblioteca do Maranhão foi marcada pelas dificuldades relacionadas, especialmente, à falta de interesse dos governantes em proporcionar condições necessárias para a promoção da cultura.

Firing Up the Crucible with Senator Lee Metcalf & Governor Forrest Anderson -- Judge Gordon Bennett in “The Crucible of Change”

During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.

Unidos y separados : La configuración de un peronismo progresista en la década del `80

En la tesina buscamos exponer las principales discusiones que atravesó un grupo de intelectuales peronistas durante la presidencia de Alfonsín, nucleados en la revista Unidos. El perfil innovador de la publicación dirigida por Carlos 'Chacho' Alvarez constituirá el escenario de debates de un peronismo dispuesto a emprender una revisión y renovación de su propia identidad. Nuestro trabajo comprende una descripción de la Renovación Peronista comandada por Antonio Cafiero, para luego centrarse en las controversias desatadas al interior de Unidos. Entre los varios debates gestados en la publicación, la Tesina centra su atención en los que ocuparon mayor espacio dentro de la misma: las discusiones en torno al carácter movimientista del peronismo, la caracterización del alfonsinismo, y las dos construcciones políticas que comenzaban a tomar forma hacia desde mediados de '80: la Renovación cafierista y el menemismo. Analizar las distintas posiciones adoptadas por quienes forman parte de la publicación nos permitirá apreciar los ejes problemáticos del progresismo peronista, que en la década del ´80 fue encarnado por la revista Unidos

Globalismo financiero, territorialidad, "progresismo" y proyectos en pugna

El presente artículo constituye un intento de sistematización de avances de investigación expuestos en diferentes trabajos (Formento y Merino, 2011; Merino 2011a; 2011b; 2011c; 2011d), en los cuales fue tomando cada vez mayor relevancia la cuestión del territorio. En este sentido, nos focalizaremos en cuatro ejes que consideramos claves desde nuestra perspectiva. En primer lugar, el capital financiero transnacional, su territorialidad y la construcción de lo que llamaremos, como tendencia, un Estado Global. En segundo lugar, las formas en las que dicha territorialidad se expresa en lo local, entendiendo lo local como parte del territorio en disputa por parte de distintos proyectos, fuerzas e intereses. En tercer lugar, desarrollaremos un eje integrador que hace al objetivo del trabajo: analizar las contradicciones que atraviesan al Estado y en particular al Estado-nación y cómo las mismas se manifiestan en el territorio como territorialidades contrapuestas, impulsadas por proyectos políticos-estratégicos enfrentados. En cuarto lugar, a partir de estas consideraciones y sólo a modo de graficar algunas de las afirmaciones expresadas, plantearemos una discusión en torno a la manera en que algunos autores entienden el "progresismo" asociado a la nueva lógica del capital financiero transnacional y su configuración territorial