Not yet the Internet election : online media, political commentary and the 2007 Australian federal election

This paper undertakes an overview of two developments in online media that coincided with the 'year-long campaign' that was the 2007 Australian Federal election. It discusses the relatively successful use of the Internet and social media in the 'Kevin07' Australian Labor Party campaign, and contrasts this to the Liberal-National Party's faltering use of You Tube for policy announcements. It also notes the struggle for authority in interpreting polling data between the mainstream media and various online commentators, and the 'July 12 incident' at The Australian, where it engaged in strong denunciation of alleged biases and prejudices among bloggers and on political Web sites. It concludes with consideration of some wider implication for political communication and the politics-media relationship, and whether we are seeing trends towards dispersal and diversification characterising the 'third age' of political communication.

National and state-level politics on social media : Twitter, Australian political discussions, and the online commentariat

This paper examines the use of Twitter for long-term discussions around Australian politics, at national and state levels, tracking two hashtags during 2012: #auspol, denoting national political topics, and #wapol, which provides a case study of state politics (representing Western Australia). The long-term data collection provides the opportunity to analyse how the Twitter audience responds to Australian politics: which themes attract the most attention and which accounts act as focal points for these discussions. The paper highlights differences in the coverage of state and national politics. For #auspol, a small number of accounts are responsible for the majority of tweets, with politicians invoked but not directly contributing to the discussion. In contrast, #wapol stimulates a much lower level of tweeting. This example also demonstrates that, in addition to citizen accounts, traditional participants within political debate, such as politicians and journalists, are among the active contributors to state-oriented discussions on Twitter.

#Ausvotes : how Twitter covered the 2010 Australian federal election

While the 2007 Australian federal election was notable for the use of social media by the Australian Labor Party in campaigning, the 2010 election took place in a media landscape in which social media–especially Twitter–had become much more embedded in both political journalism and independent political commentary. This article draws on the computer-aided analysis of election-related Twitter messages, collected under the #ausvotes hashtag, to describe the key patterns of activity and thematic foci of the election’s coverage in this particular social media site. It introduces novel metrics for analysing public communication via Twitter, and describes the related methods. What emerges from this analysis is the role of the #ausvotes hashtag as a means of gathering an ad hoc ‘issue public’– a finding which is likely to be replicated for other hashtag communities.

Punishment and 'the People' : Rescuing Populism from its Critics

The term 'penal populism' is now reflexively used by criminologists to describe what many see as a dominant trend within penal policymaking in many western countries. The epithet 'populist' is used with no Jess frequency by media and other public commentators to refer (always pejoratively) to this or that political announcement, policy or style of political leadership, whether the context be specifically related to crime or some other arena of public affairs. In most accounts 'penal populism' (or 'populist punitiveness': Bottoms, 1995) is treated as a composite term. The two words are inseparably coupled and it is the penal that receives most of the detailed attention. As in more general political commentary, populism is tacitly understood as a negative and rather dangerous phenomenon, suggestive of manipulation, shallow-ness and demagoguery: in short, a corruption of normal, healthy democratic politics. As against such accounts, I want to suggest that debate about penal policymaking and its future -and particularly the prospects for more progressive policymaking in the area -would be assisted if populism was taken more seriously both conceptually and politically. This requires a decoupling of the concept of populism from what is habitually taken to be its punitive partner and that which defines its content. Currently the term is used without clear definition, let alone conceptual elaboration, to reference political pathology. Instead populism should be examined as a regular, meaningful dimension of contemporary political practice that has to be understood and engaged, not just denounced and extirpated. That is, I am seeking to make a case for bringing populism in from the despised margins to the centre of political practice and reflection. I will also briefly consider some of the implications this may have for penal politics specifically.

Social Media and Everyday Politics

From selfies and memes to hashtags and parodies, social media are used for mundane and personal expressions of political commentary, engagement, and participation. The coverage of politics reflects the social mediation of everyday life, where individual experiences and thoughts are documented and shared online. In Social Media and Everyday Politics, Tim Highfield examines political talk as everyday occurrences on Twitter, Facebook, blogs, Tumblr, Instagram, and more. He considers the personal and the political, the serious and the silly, and the everyday within the extraordinary, as politics arises from seemingly banal and irreverent topics. The analysis features international examples and evolving practices, from French blogs to Vines from Australia, via the Arab Spring, Occupy, #jesuischarlie, Eurovision, #blacklivesmatter, Everyday Sexism, and #illridewithyou. This timely book will be a valuable resource for students and scholars in media and communications, internet studies, and political science, as well as general readers keen to understand our contemporary media and political contexts.

Amoral Gower: Language, Sex and Politics

Watt, D. (2003). Amoral Gower: Language, Sex and Politics. Medievil Cultures Series, volume 38. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. RAE2008

CABARET: MIRROR OF SOCIETIES

The basic definition of a cabaret is a café that offers live entertainment performed by singers, musicians and dancers and serves food and drink. It is generally housed in small, intimate spaces. Starting in the middle of the nineteenth century, artists, composers and writers met at Parisian cafés and salons to share their works. The cabaret was a suitable place for social activities. Artists could meet, discuss their opinions, and share their art in a relaxed setting. Even though cabaret music was often based on popular idioms, social and political commentary coupled with satirical settings represented the true soul of the genre. This trend flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The first cabaret in Paris, Le Chat Noir inspired the growth of similar places in major cities throughout Europe besides Paris. The three recitals that comprise this dissertation project were performed at University of Maryland venues: the Robert & Arlene Kogod Theatre on 11 May 2011, Ulrich Recital Hall on 4 December 2011, and Gildenhorn Recital Hall on 4 March 2012. The repertoire for the first recital included works by Erik Satie with mezzo-soprano Monica Soto-Gil, Friedrich Hollaender with soprano Gabrielle DeMers, William Bolcom with baritone Ethan Watermeier and mezzo-soprano Stepanie Sadownik, and Poulenc with baritone Andrew McLaughlin. André Previn‘s Tango Song and Dance with violinist Jennifer Kim served as the instrumental interlude. The second recital included songs by Friedrich Hollaender with mezzo-soprano Monica Soto-Gil, Hanns Eisler and Viktor Ullmann with mezzo-soprano Stephanie Sadownik, and Mischa Spoliansky with soprano CarrieAnne Winter. Victor Hollaender‘s Romance and Albumblatt were the instrumental interludes with violinist Jennifer Kim. The last recital featured works for piano and violin, the Graceful Ghost Rag by William Bolcom with violinist Jenny Wu, Four Souvenirs by Paul Schoenfield with violinist Jennifer Kim, Cabaret Songs by Benjamin Britten with soprano Linda Mabbs, and Souvenirs for piano four-hands by Samuel Barber with pianist Rita Sloan. The recitals were recorded on compact discs and are archived within the Digital Repository at the University of Maryland (DRUM).

‘‘An old quarrel between us that will never be at an end": Middleton’s Women Beware Women and Late Jacobean Religious Politics

In this article, I examine Thomas Middleton's Women Beware Women as a response to the particular religio-political context in the years surrounding 1621. The onset of the Thirty Years War in 1618 and the subsequent humiliation of James' son-in-law Frederick, Elector of Palatine, the vexed question of a possible Catholic marriage for Charles, Prince of Wales, the ever present difficulty of Anglo-Catholic relations, particularly with Spain, as well as growing religious factionalism within the Church of England between Calvinists and Arminians: all contributed towards a culturally febrile atmosphere, one to which, as I will argue, Middleton was well placed to respond. Given Middleton's Calvinistic beliefs, I suggest that Women Beware Women offers an acerbic examination of contemporary debates concerning human will, especially women's will, as well as promoting a sceptically apocalyptic anti-Catholic agenda throughout. I also examine the religious language and imagery used to construct Bianca as the whore of Babylon, and argue that her emergence and fall offer a political commentary on the precarious position of the English Church around 1621.

O espaço ‘Opinião’ do jornal Público: perfil e agenda dos comentadores no início de 2014

Relatório de estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

La chronique politique de la presse écrite montréalaise : portrait d’un genre journalistique en quête d’une définition

La chronique politique, qui se trouve au coeur de la question de l’influence de la presse sur l’opinion publique, rencontre un vide dans les écrits scientifiques, du moins au Québec. L’étude de la chronique est pourtant des plus pertinentes dans le contexte actuel où les plateformes Web viennent renforcer la présence de commentateurs de tous les sujets. À partir d’une analyse systématique de chroniques politiques parues entre 1991 et 2011, ainsi que d’entrevues semi-dirigées avec des chroniqueurs politiques chevronnés, la présente étude décrit ce genre jusqu’ici peu étudié. Ainsi, les caractéristiques tels le format et la disposition de la chronique sont d’une part mises en évidence, alors que la diversité de sujets traités par les chroniqueurs politiques, d’autre part, montre que le genre jouit d’une grande liberté et que les auteurs peuvent choisir à propos de quoi ils veulent écrire et la manière de le faire. La critique négative reste omniprésente dans les chroniques, mais dans une moins grande proportion que ce à quoi il aurait été possible de s’attendre, plusieurs étant plutôt neutres et de nature explicative. Finalement, les propos des chroniqueurs prouvent que cette fonction s’accompagne d’une reconnaissance et d’un certain vedettariat, autant parmi la population qu’auprès de leurs collègues. Le tout permet de distinguer la chronique de l’ensemble des autres genres et pratiques journalistiques.

Programas de tertulia política en Twitter: un modelo neurocomunicativo de análisis del discurso

En este trabajo aplicamos a la red social Twitter un modelo de análisis del discurso político y mediático desarrollado en publicaciones previas, que permite hacer compatible el estudio de los datos discursivos con propuestas explicativas surgidas a propósito de la comunicación política (neurocomunicación) y de la comunicación digital (la red como quinto estado, convergencia, inteligencia colectiva). Asumimos que hay categorías del encuadre discursivo (frame) que pueden ser tratadas como indicadores de habilidades cognitivas y comunicativas. Analizamos estas categorías agrupándolas en tres dimensiones fundamentales: la intencional (ilocutividad del tuit, encuadre interpretativo de las etiquetas), referencial (temas, protagonistas), e interactiva (alineamiento estructural, predictibilidad; marcas de intertextualidad y dialogismo; afiliación partidista). El corpus consta de 4116 tuits: 3000 tuits pertenecientes a los programas Al Rojo Vivo (La Sexta: A3 Media), Las Mañanas Cuatro (Cuatro: Mediaset) y Los Desayunos de TVE (RTVE), 1116 tuits de seguidores de los programas, que corresponden a 45 tuits de cada programa. Los resultados confirman que el modelo permite establecer diferentes perfiles de subjetividad política en las cuentas de Twitter.

Descent from banking union to political chaos. CEPS Commentary, 24 January 2014

To counteract the powerful anti-Europe sentiments swirling throughout the EU today and to motivate EU citizens to vote in a constructive spirit in the upcoming European elections, Karel Lannoo argues in this commentary that the functioning of the EU institutions needs to be openly discussed and proposals need to be aired for improving the decision-making process to render it more transparent and democratic. This process would encompass, in his view, the proper role and functioning of the European Commission, the European Parliament and the member states in the EU Council and the interrelationships between these institutions.

Euroscepticism vs. Political Pragmatism: The Finns Party tones down its criticism of the EU. EPIN Commentary No. 19, 26 June 2014

While many Eurosceptic parties in Europe achieved historical successes in this year’s EP elections, Finland’s populist Finns Party was unable to fulfil its own high expectations. With the eurozone crisis at least temporarily subsiding and Finland’s own economy struggling, the party has been unable to find a new electoral trump card. Facing a changed political climate and stiffer competition, the party is currently toning down its criticism of the EU, as indicated by its recent decision to join the British Tories in the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group.

Political crossroads ahead in Sweden: The signs are red-green. EPIN Commentary No. 20, 31 July 2014

The political balance in Sweden was upset in this year’s elections to the European Parliament (EP). The far-right ‘Sweden Democrats’ almost tripled their vote-share and the Greens gained enough votes to become the second-largest Swedish party in the EP after the Social Democrats. Support for the current government incumbents, the Moderates, fell beyond expectation. The party will not recover in time for the national elections in September, whereas both the Greens and the Sweden Democrats are likely to repeat their EP election success. Since the Sweden Democrats are unlikely to form part of the coalition government – the election-winners will be the Greens and Social Democrats – Sweden’s political landscape is set to undergo a shift to the left.

Russia's interest in the Mistral: the political and military aspects. OSW Commentary No. 41, 2010-10-11

The negotiations over Russia’s purchase of French Mistral-class multipurpose assault ships, which were intensified in 2010, have gained a significant political dimension. The prospects of such a spectacular acquisition of large and expensive assault ships from one of NATO’s member states are being used by Russia to demonstrate that it has opened a new stage of relations with Western Europe. Paris has welcomed Russia’s desire to embark on military cooperation; for France, the Mistral deal has become a convenient tool to prove that relations with Russia are becoming increasingly normal, and that Russia poses no threat to the European security.