952 resultados para philosophy and politics


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The transition from a positivist matrix to an idealistic one in Argentinean academic philosophy can be read as a result of a gradual and problematic pollution. It was, also, heavily traversed by considerations that exceeded the theoretical aspects. Based on the willingness to explore this transit, the article pays attention to one of the episodes of this contamination: how the Revista de Filosofía reads Croce and Gentile’s philosophy. Observing there some possibility of dialogue between positivist assumptions, with which the journal takes a position, and the idealism the article analyze how this dialogue and its limits were given from a political consideration. If the idealism was condemned, it is centrally owed to its performance during the first years of the government of Mussolini. If, meanwhile, it was some to rescue of that philosophy, it was that it contributed to think the revolutionary change.

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This article takes account of the ‘spontaneity’ of the post-colonial fiction of Gerald Murnane within the ‘dominating space’ of the philosophy of Spinoza. My use of Paul Carter’s terms here is strategic. The compact of fiction and philosophy in Murnane corresponds with the relationship of spontaneity to the dominating organization of desire in Carter’s rendering of an Aboriginal hunter. Carter’s phrase “‘a figure at once spontaneous and wholly dominated by the space of his desire’” worries Ken Gelder and Jane M. Jacobs, who suggest that it subjugates the formation of Aboriginal desire (incorporating spontaneity) to impulses of imperialism. The captivating immanence of Spinoza’s philosophy in Murnane’s fiction, which I will demonstrate with various examples, puts pressure on the fiction to occupy the same space as the space of the philosophy. Here is a clue to why Murnane’s post-colonial thematics have been little explored by critics with an interest in post-colonial politics. The desire of Spinoza’s philosophy creates a spatial textuality within which the spontaneity of Murnane’s fiction, to the degree that it maximizes or fills the philosophy, is minimized in its political effects. That is to say, the fiction shifts politics into an external space of what Roland Barthes calls “resistance or condemnation”. However, the different speeds (or timings) of Murnane and Spinoza, within the one space, mitigate this resistance of the outside, at least in respect of certain circumstances of post-coloniality. It is especially productive, I suggest, to engage Carter’s representation of an Aboriginal hunter through the compact of coincidental spaces and differential speeds created by Murnane’s fiction in Spinoza’s philosophy. This produces a ceaseless activation of desire and domination, evidenced in Murnane’s short story ‘Land Deal’, and indexed by a post-Romantic sublime. What limits the value of Murnane’s fiction in most contexts of post-colonial politics, is precisely what makes it useful in the matter of Carter’s Aboriginal hunter.

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What I have called the Ideal of Cultivation is a fundamental ethical principle of civilisation, originated by aristocratic warriors in Greek antiquity who held that the true purpose of humanity is to perfect nature

It was then professed that individuals and even entire peoples could consciously develop and improve themselves in a way that was thought to obey the original lawful impulses of nature, a process which was likened to those of agriculture and animal husbandry.

Subsequently the cognate idea of a politics of cultivation arose which deemed that society should be organised specifically to produce more virtuous or perfect human types. Given their fundamental association with Hellenism both ideas have been revisited constantly in the intellectual history of the west, and most notably during the great secular periods, the Renaissance and Enlightenment when active attempts were made to retrieve the ideals of antiquity. Both ideas were particularly pervasive in the German enlightenment, the Aufklärung, and were assimilated by the succeeding Romantic generation.

In nineteenth century Germany, when interest in these ideas was quickly waning, the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche acquired an unswerving attachment to them and made the service of them his life's work.

The intention of this essay is to trace methodically the appearance of the Ideal of Cultivation in Nietzsche's philosophy and politics, and to outline his responses to a world which was abandoning the principles in which he deeply believed. This essay should be regarded as a case study in the long history of a fundamental ethical idea rather than one about the philosopher Nietzsche.

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Includes bibliographical references and indexes.

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Deportation and colonization: an atempted solution of the race problem, by W.L. Fleming.--The literary movement for secession, by U.B. Phillips.--The frontier and secession, by C.W. Ramsdell.--The French consuls in the Confederate States, M.L. Bonham, jr.--The judicial interpretation of the Confederate constitution, by S.D. Brummer.--Southern legislation in respect to freedmen, 1865-1866, by J.G. de R. Hamilton.--Carpet-baggers in the United States Senate, by C. Mildred Thompson.--Grant's southern policy, by E.C. Woolley.--The federal enforcement acts, by W.W. Davis.--Negro suffrage in the South, by W.R. Smith.--Some phases of educational history in the South since 1865, by W.K. Boyd.--The new South, economic and social, by H. Thompson.--The political philosophy of John C. Calhoun, by C.E. Merriam.--Southern political theories, by D.Y. Thomas.--Southern politics since the civil war, by J.W. Garner.

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A publication emerging out of a successful international conference I co-organised on noise in 2010. The first of two volumes, this one focuses on noise as an aesthetic, political and cultural concept, and a range of noise practices beyond purely sonic ones, such as audiovisual noise and noise in communication theory. It argues that noise is fundamental to contemporary communication practices and facilitates a reversal of perspective in how these practices can be understood

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The change from nursing student to Registered Nurse (RNs) is both a desirable and anticipated event for New Graduate Nurses (NGNs). Having completed their formal education, most NGNs approach the threshold of their professional career with mixed emotions. While excited about the future and eagerly awaiting the commencement of employment, many are aware that this change also signifies a time of personal upheaval, professional insecurity and further personal learning. In the nursing professions’ enthusiasm to facilitate a smooth passage for NGNs a vast literature now addresses preparation-for-practice degrees, as well as the perceived workplace deficits and support needs of NGNs. However, the importance this change from working as a student to working as a NGN is not well conceptualised, theorised or understood as this largely instrumental literature essentially reduces the problematisation of the NGN transition experience to the problematisation of the individual by identifying NGNs as ‘the’ problem. Subsequently it fails to expose or challenge the normative assumptions underpinning processes that have formerly been considered solutions, or, the impact of such processes in a workplace that frames itself as “supportive”. Conspicuously absent is an exploration of how the NGN role is performed by former students, now beginning RNs undergoing the very personal transition of “becoming registered nurses”. Using Goffman’s (1956) theorisation of performance in everyday life exploring how process and meaning in mundane interactions present themselves in the “regular” lives of people at large, and Margaret Archer’s (2000) work emphasising the significance of the inner dialogue for managing the emotions that emerge out of situations that confront us, this paper draws upon data collected during a study of NGNs’ experience of transition to practice (Malouf 2010). It focuses on an emergent understanding of the need to differentiate the performance of ‘student’ from that of ‘NGN’ role. Further, it explores how these roles have become conflated into a conceptual continuum and viewed as a slide from student to NGN performance, rather than a significant moment of change involving roles that need to be distinctly defined as a necessary precursor to enhancing and supporting the professional and personal development of beginning practitioners.

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Confronting the rapidly increasing, worldwide reliance on biometric technologies to surveil, manage, and police human beings, my dissertation Informatic Opacity: Biometric Facial Recognition and the Aesthetics and Politics of Defacement charts a series of queer, feminist, and anti-racist concepts and artworks that favor opacity as a means of political struggle against surveillance and capture technologies in the 21st century. Utilizing biometric facial recognition as a paradigmatic example, I argue that today's surveillance requires persons to be informatically visible in order to control them, and such visibility relies upon the production of technical standardizations of identification to operate globally, which most vehemently impact non- normative, minoritarian populations. Thus, as biometric technologies turn exposures of the face into sites of governance, activists and artists strive to make the face biometrically illegible and refuse the political recognition biometrics promises through acts of masking, escape, and imperceptibility. Although I specifically describe tactics of making the face unrecognizable as "defacement," I broadly theorize refusals to visually cohere to digital surveillance and capture technologies' gaze as "informatic opacity," an aesthetic-political theory and practice of anti- normativity at a global, technical scale whose goal is maintaining the autonomous determination of alterity and difference by evading the quantification, standardization, and regulation of identity imposed by biometrics and the state. My dissertation also features two artworks: Facial Weaponization Suite, a series of masks and public actions, and Face Cages, a critical, dystopic installation that investigates the abstract violence of biometric facial diagramming and analysis. I develop an interdisciplinary, practice-based method that pulls from contemporary art and aesthetic theory, media theory and surveillance studies, political and continental philosophy, queer and feminist theory, transgender studies, postcolonial theory, and critical race studies.

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Over the last thirty years, happiness research in psychology, economics and philosophy has been discussing the proper meaning of happiness and its main determinants. Moreover, the idea has spread within academic and political circles that it may be legitimate for institutions to engage in “politics of happiness”. This article presents a critique of the project of promoting happiness through public policies.

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This review considers two books on political philosophy not published in English language, Diogo Pires Aurélio's Imaginação e Poder (Imagination and Power, referred as IP) and Viriato Soromenho Marques' A Revolução Federal (The Federal Revolution, RF). All quotations of the books result from translations of my own initiative.

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This essay is an elaboration on some central themes and arguments from my recent book, Chronopathologies: Time and Politics in Deleuze, Derrida, Phenomenology and Analytic Philosophy (Rowman and Littlefield 2012). There is hence an element of generality to this essay that the book itself is better able to justify. But a short programmatic piece has its own virtues, especially for those of us who are time poor (which is pretty much everyone in contemporary academia). Moreover, it adds a dimension to the above book by more explicitly situating it in relation to what is an emerging view in some recent scholarship (such as John McCumber, Len Lawlor, David Hoy, and before this Liz Grosz) that time is central to the identity of continental philosophy, as well as considering some of the work that in different ways contests this kind of interpretation of the identity of continental philosophy (e.g. Simon Glendinning, and, tacitly, Paul Redding). In continuing to side with the former over the latter, I will also develop my argument that time is one of the most significant factors in the divided house that I think ontemporary philosophy remains, and I conclude by offering a series of negative prescriptions regarding how we might better avoid particular chronopathologies, or time-sicknesses, that are endemic to these philosophical trajectories, and that are also present (to greater and lesser degrees) in the majority of individual philosophers standardly labeled analytic and continental. To the extent that such sicknesses are at least partly inevitable, akin to a transcendental illusion, this paper consists in a call to be more attentive to this tendency, and to the methodological, metaphilosophical, and ethico-political consequences that follow from them.