An analysis of the effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the Uttar Pradesh State Legislative Assembly (India)

Parliamentary questions are the most popular and visible tool for making the executive accountable to the legislature. However, their use, purpose and effectiveness vary in different countries. In this study, 4023 parliamentary questions asked in the Uttar Pradesh State Legislative Assembly were analysed. The results show that half of the total members of the Assembly used this device. Contrary to findings in the Australian parliamentary system, there was no evidence of ‘Dorothy Dix’ and party influence on parliamentary questions. Furthermore, 30% of the questions were aimed at seeking information and 70% pressed for action. The government provided the required information in 95% of the questions in the former category but only took action in 37% in the latter category. The study concludes that parliamentary questions serve as an effective legislative tool in the Uttar Pradesh Legislature

An analysis of parliamentary questions raised by Opposition in the Uttar Pradesh (India) State Legislative Assembly

The use of parliamentary questions is the most popular and visible tool in the hands of the Opposition as a means to make government accountable. Their main purpose is to seek information or press for action. Contemporary parliamentary literature from the UK, Canada, and Australia, however, suggests that parliamentary questions have lost their effectiveness. The literature points out that Question Time in parliaments has become a battle ground between Ruling and Opposition parties in their fight to gain maximum political advantage. In this context, the effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the Indian state legislatures has not been investigated. The aim of this study, therefore, is to analyse the use, purpose and effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the State Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh (India) to explore differences, if any, between Ruling and Opposition parties. In this study, 4023 parliamentary questions asked in the Uttar Pradesh State Legislative Assembly were analysed. The effectiveness of answers was also analysed qualitatively. The results show that half of the total members of the Assembly used this device, out of which 60% of the questions were asked by the Opposition party members. 31% of the questions from the Opposition were seeking information and 69% were pressing for action. The government provided the required information in 96% of the questions in the former category and took action in only 35% of the latter category. Furthermore, 60% of the questions raised by the Opposition were related to constituency matters and the remaining 40% were related to policy issues or public welfare. Comparing the data with the ruling party, the results indicate that the use,purpose and effectiveness of parliamentary questions were similar to that of the Opposition except some minor differences. Surprisingly, there was no evidence of any ‘Dorothy Dix’ questions. The study concludes parliamentary question is an effective device in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

An analysis of effectiveness of parliamentary questions in the Queensland Parliament

Parliamentary questions are an integral part of most Westminster parliamentary systems, serving as a major form of legislative oversight and constituency service (Glassman 2008). There are two types of parliamentary questions, ‘questions without notice’ and ‘questions on notice’. Questions without notice are asked and answered orally during ‘Question Time’. Questions on notice are asked in writing and the relevant minister provides the answer in writing. Parliamentary questions provide a mechanism to seek the accountability of the executive on the floor of the House and barely ‘any aspect of the executive department’s powers and activities can be shielded from questions’ (Crick 1964: 237). In terms of media coverage, this practice is the most widely reported legislative device. Therefore, to a casual observer, the working of parliament is synonymous with Question Time.

Un aspecto de la oposición radical yrigoyenista al gobernador Crotto, las interpelaciones parlamentarias

José Camilo Crotto llegó al gobierno de la provincia de Buenos Aires por la incuestionable presión que ejerció el presidente Yrigoyen para que así sucediera. Sin embargo, rápidamente el apoyo presidencial habría de convertirse en oposición; este cambio se debió a que Crotto designó, sin consultar al presidente, a allegados suyos, no sólo como ministros sino que también, luego de desplazar a varios yrigoyenistas, nombrados en su momento por el interventor federal Cantilo, a amigos de su confianza. Desde entonces, la ruptura del radicalismo yrigoyenista fue inevitable; los nuevos opositores a Crotto lo atacaron de todas maneras a fin de lograr, cosa que consiguieron en 1921, su renuncia como gobernador. Una de las formas de oposición, fue a través de las interpelaciones, siendo las más importantes aquí estudiadas.

Un aspecto de la oposición radical yrigoyenista al gobernador Crotto, las interpelaciones parlamentarias

José Camilo Crotto llegó al gobierno de la provincia de Buenos Aires por la incuestionable presión que ejerció el presidente Yrigoyen para que así sucediera. Sin embargo, rápidamente el apoyo presidencial habría de convertirse en oposición; este cambio se debió a que Crotto designó, sin consultar al presidente, a allegados suyos, no sólo como ministros sino que también, luego de desplazar a varios yrigoyenistas, nombrados en su momento por el interventor federal Cantilo, a amigos de su confianza. Desde entonces, la ruptura del radicalismo yrigoyenista fue inevitable; los nuevos opositores a Crotto lo atacaron de todas maneras a fin de lograr, cosa que consiguieron en 1921, su renuncia como gobernador. Una de las formas de oposición, fue a través de las interpelaciones, siendo las más importantes aquí estudiadas.

Un aspecto de la oposición radical yrigoyenista al gobernador Crotto, las interpelaciones parlamentarias

José Camilo Crotto llegó al gobierno de la provincia de Buenos Aires por la incuestionable presión que ejerció el presidente Yrigoyen para que así sucediera. Sin embargo, rápidamente el apoyo presidencial habría de convertirse en oposición; este cambio se debió a que Crotto designó, sin consultar al presidente, a allegados suyos, no sólo como ministros sino que también, luego de desplazar a varios yrigoyenistas, nombrados en su momento por el interventor federal Cantilo, a amigos de su confianza. Desde entonces, la ruptura del radicalismo yrigoyenista fue inevitable; los nuevos opositores a Crotto lo atacaron de todas maneras a fin de lograr, cosa que consiguieron en 1921, su renuncia como gobernador. Una de las formas de oposición, fue a través de las interpelaciones, siendo las más importantes aquí estudiadas.

A social role for churches and cultural demarcation:how German MEPs represent religion in the European Parliament

This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion–state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament.

Democratic Deficit in the EU : Towards Parliamentary Democracy?!

Nowadays, the western societies are based on parliamentary democracy. Therefore, weak legislative power of the European Parliament is alleged for the democratic deficit in the EU. How it can be possible that the parliamentary democracy which is practiced on the national level can be achieved beyond the nation-states without diminishing the democracy at the nation-states? If not, how legitimacy can be obtained so that the continued existence and expansion of the EU should be justified? Since expectations for democratization of the EU are still unmet, finding answers to the actual questions is a great appeal. The thesis will explore the fundamental debates and arguments contributing to the democracy in the EU through the parliaments. I will try to reflect to the different ways of thinking and the prospects of establishing parliamentary democracy beyond the nation states.

Did Egypt's Parliamentary Election just trump citizens’ rights? Arab Citizenship Review No. 12, 19 November 2015

Since the Muslim Brotherhood rule was toppled in July 2013, the regime of President Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi has strived to consolidate his one-man rule; he painted the political opposition and civil society as traitors and foreign agents and exploited the fight against terrorism to suppress freedom of expression, justify a crackdown on the press, eclipse justice in courtrooms, throw thousands in prison, and tighten his grip on police forces. The regime has postponed parliamentary elections for some time, while it marginalised and weakened the non-Islamist political parties that helped Sisi take power. He did so by promoting electoral lists with candidates who are loyal to the president, to ensure control over the new assembly and by obstructing any political alliance that could form an opposition. At the same time, the security apparatus has been given free rein to control the public sphere and engineer the electoral process. This may ultimately lead to a parliament that includes no advocates for rights and liberties, which is particularly significant since the incoming assembly will review the huge amount of legislation that President Sisi has issued in the absence of a parliament. In addition, shortly before elections, President Sisi raised questions about the constitution, calling for it to be amended to reduce the powers of the parliament and increase those of the president. It is thus clear that Sisi seeks not only to consolidate his regime, without political opposition, but to free his rule of any effective oversight from society or parliament.

A manual of the constitutional history of Canada from the earliest period to the year 1888; including the British North America Act, 1867, and a digest of judicial decisions on questions of legislative jurisdiction.

"This treatise is in a large measure a revised republication of certain chapters of the author's large book on Parliamentary practice and procedure in Canada".--Prefatory note.

The electoral geography of the Slovak Republic: A comparison of the 1994, 1998, and 2002 parliamentary elections

In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.

The Electoral Geography of the Slovak Republic: A Comparison of the 1994, 1998, and 2002 Parliamentary Elections

In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.