965 resultados para offender supervision


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This paper reviews existing research on offender supervision in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Three distinct areas are considered: practising offender supervision, experiencing supervision and decision-making in this sphere. The material presented draws on findings from a European-wide research action under the Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) initiative. The review highlights some of the gaps in knowledge and the need to focus research attention in this area. This need is underlined by the expansion in probation’s role, both North and South. In common with other countries there has been a growth in referrals to probation and in the numbers of people subject to supervision, whether on a community sentence or under post-custodial licence conditions. This review highlights some of the relevant factors including the increased emphasis placed on public protection and attempts to reduce the prison population. The circulation of people through systems and the experiences, processes and decision-making involved are all areas that we argue are worthy of further research attention.

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This review focuses on key empirical research from the UK on the practice of offendersupervision beyond the narrowly defined constraints of programme evaluations.

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This study examines the relationships between indicators of offender supervision outcomes and dimensions of positive psychological states (PPS). Results of a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) revealed that the first-order positive psychology constructs converge to form a higher order construct of PPS which was inversely associated with supervision outcomes. Furthermore, the mediating effect of PPS on the relationship between criminogenic risk factors and all offender supervision outcome variables was statistically significant, suggesting that offenders with heightened PPS are likely to have fewer criminogenic risk factors and are less likely to be reported for technical violation, charged, reconvicted, and imprisoned. The implications of these findings for correctional theory, practice, and policy conclude the article.

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Case management is the process by which most known sex offenders who live in the community are currently supervised. However, by itself, case management has been shown to have only a modest impact on rates of re-offending, and it is only when case work and/or treatment sessions are introduced, that the benefits become apparent. This paper considers how routinely collecting and feeding back standardized data about client progress towards supervisory goals can be integrated into the offender supervision and case management process. Based on methods that have been shown to be associated with enhanced outcomes in mental health, it is suggested that the implementation of feedback approaches have the potential to both enhance the case management process and improve the effectiveness of those policies which require it.

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A previous review of research on the practice of offender supervision identified the predominant use of interview-based methodologies and limited use of other research approaches (Robinson and Svensson, 2013). It also found that most research has tended to be locally focussed (i.e. limited to one jurisdiction) with very few comparative studies. This article reports on the application of a visual method in a small-scale comparative study. Practitioners in five European countries participated and took photographs of the places and spaces where offender supervision occurs. The aims of the study were two-fold: firstly to explore the utility of a visual approach in a comparative context; and secondly to provide an initial visual account of the environment in which offender supervision takes place. In this article we address the first of these aims. We describe the application of the method in some depth before addressing its strengths and weaknesses. We conclude that visual methods provide a useful tool for capturing data about the environments in which offender supervision takes place and potentially provide a basis for more normative explorations about the practices of offender supervision in comparative contexts.

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Ce mémoire a pour objectif de comprendre l’expérience de travail des agents œuvrant en réinsertion sociale auprès de condamnés provinciaux en collectivité au Québec. Plus précisément, cette recherche souhaite saisir le rôle exercé par ces agents, dans un contexte où ils exercent un double mandat de sécurité publique et de réinsertion sociale. L’étude tente aussi de mettre en lumière leurs pratiques de travail, inscrites dans une logique de gestion efficace des risques. Enfin, ce mémoire vise à comprendre la place qu’occupe la réinsertion sociale dans le cadre de leur travail. Pour ce faire, l’approche qualitative a permis de mener quinze (15) entretiens auprès d’agents de probation et d’intervenants issus du secteur communautaire responsables de la surveillance de justiciables provinciaux en collectivité. Deux (2) thèmes principaux émergent de ces entrevues. D’une part, Le travail est décrit par les participants en regard du double rôle exercé, des responsabilités légales et cliniques qui leur incombent, et de l’intervention centrée sur le risque et la réinsertion sociale auprès des contrevenants. D’autre part, Le contexte de travail réfère au partenariat établi entre les intervenants, au recours aux outils actuariels, ainsi qu’aux instances modulant leurs pratiques de travail : les médias, la Commission québécoise des libérations conditionnelles et les Services correctionnels du Québec. Il ressort de nos analyses que la sécurité publique par la gestion efficace des risques se manifeste par une forme de rationalisation des pratiques de travail et par l’intégration d’un rôle de contrôle. Il appert cependant que ces deux (2) aspects sont motivés avant tout par le désir de venir en aide à la population contrevenante. Il résulte finalement de l’étude que la réinsertion sociale ne constitue qu’un objectif de l’intervention parmi d’autres. Les participants doivent jongler avec ces diverses finalités afin de s’ajuster à l’acteur principal de leur travail : le contrevenant.

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Sex offender registration and community notification schemes form an increasingly important part of public policy relevant to the management of known sex offenders in the community. Critics of these policies not only point to the lack of empirical evidence that is currently available to support their impact on reoffending, but also the disproportionate and potentially iatrogenic effects that they have on offenders. However, there have been few attempts to understand these issues from the perspective of those practitioners who work on a daily basis with sex offenders in the community. These professionals are uniquely placed to contribute to an understanding of effective risk management and, as such, this article presents an analysis of the perspectives of a group of experienced practitioners and how this practice-based wisdom might inform the development of sex offender public policy.

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“Megan’s Law” in the United States and Part 1 of the Sex Offenders Act 1997 in the United Kingdom, make provision for the creation of a register which will record the names and addresses of all persons convicted or cautioned for a sexual offence. Arguments expounded in favour of the legislation include the supposedly high recidivism among sex offenders, the inadequacy of supervision provisions, and the resulting need to ‘track’ the dangerous offender for public protection. In practice, however, there are a plethora of obstacles, such as cost and inadequate policing resources, which may impede its effectiveness in aiding law enforcement and reduce it to symbolic significance only. In addition, there are an array of ethical objections to the legislation, such as it breaches civil liberties and constitutes ‘double jeopardy’, which may prevent meaningful imposition.

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The aim of this paper is to explore the implications and difficulties of a system of sex offender registration for Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. From the orthodox perspective, registration appears justified. Sexual offending has increased and this is used by the media to generate a ‘moral panic’. However, sexual offenders in the community have also been socially constructed in Ireland, as a problem requiring specific action, through Blumer’s (1971) developmental perspective. It is this perspective which most adequately explains the formulation of the legislation. Arguments expounded in favour of registration include the supposedly high recidivism among sex offenders, the inadequacy of supervision provisions and the resulting need to ‘track’ the offender for public protection. Yet, in practice there are a plethora of obstacles such as cost and inadequate policing resources, not considered at the time the legislation was being formulated, which may impede its effectiveness in aiding law enforcement and reduce it to symbolic significance only. Given these difficulties, it is argued that registration is not an appropriate response to the problem of released sexual offenders in Ireland. Rather, from the social constructionist perspective, it is suggested that it is better to ‘treat’ the sex offender through less formal and stringent means in the community away from the criminal justice process.

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A growing number of jurisdictions in North America, the United Kingdom, and Australasia have enacted legislation allowing for special sentencing, civil commitment, and community supervision options for high risk sexual offenders. In New Zealand, one example of this concern for public protection is the Parole (Extended Supervision) Amendment Act 2004, which provides for additional supervision of sexual offenders with child victims for up to 10 years after their release from prison. Recent experience with expert evidence and judicial decision making in such cases suggests that those involved in the process might benefit from a more thorough understanding of the current state of sexual offender risk assessment that can be provided by mental health professionals.

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ObjectivesRisk assessments provided to judicial decision makers as a part of the current generation of legislation for protecting the public from sexual offenders can have a profound impact on the rights of individual offenders. This article will identify some of the human rights issues inherent in using the current assessment procedures to formulate and communicate risk as a forensic expert in cases involving civil commitment, preventive detention, extended supervision, or special conditions of parole. MethodBased on the current professional literature and applied experience in legal proceedings under community protection laws in the United States and New Zealand, potential threats to the rights of offenders are identified. Central to these considerations are issues of the accuracy of current risk assessment measures, communicating the findings of risk assessment appropriately to the court, and the availability of competent forensic mental health professionals in carrying out these functions. The role of the forensic expert is discussed in light of the competing demands of protecting individual human rights and community protection. ConclusionActuarial risk assessment represents the best practice for informing judicial decision makers in cases involving sex offenders, yet these measures currently demonstrate substantial limitations in predictive accuracy when applied to individual offenders. These limitations must be clearly articulated when reporting risk assessment findings. Sufficient risk assessment expertise should be available to provide a balanced application of community protection laws.

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Victoria Nourse has observed that political debates about crime legislation are predictable and invariably one-sided because ‘no-one is “for” crime.’1 This certainly appears to be the case with regard to recent proposed changes to the Bail Act 1977 (‘the Act’) by the government of Victoria. The reforms were triggered by the case of Sean Price, an offender with a history of mental disorder, serious offending and lengthy incarceration who was on bail and subject to a supervision order when he murdered Masa Vukotic, raped another woman and assaulted a third person in March 2015. The Premier of Victoria, Daniel Andrews, stated that a bail system that allowed Price to be free and unmonitored was failing the community and pledged to repair ‘a system that is broken.’

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To study the effects of the special sentence, two groups of sex offenders were analyzed: those serving a special sentence and a pre-special sentence cohort of offenders. Recidivism rates were compared between the two groups over a three-year period. For the special sentence group, the recidivism tracking period began at the beginning of an offender’s special sentence supervision start date. For the comparison group, the recidivism tracking period was observed following an offender’s sentence expiration, meaning that they were not under any type of correctional supervision when examined.