994 resultados para offender rehabilitation


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Community protection from offenders is addressed through punishment, deterrence, incapacitation, and/or rehabilitation. The current public policy debate about community protection refers to community rights as opposed to offender rights as if the two are mutually exclusive. However, in this article it will be argued that offender rehabilitation can enhance community protection if it addresses community rights and offender rights. The author proposes a normative framework to guide forensic psychologists in offender rehabilitation. The normative framework considers psychological theory—the risk-need model to address community rights and the good lives model to address offender rights. However, forensic psychologists operate within the context of the criminal justice system and so legal theory will also be considered. Therapeutic jurisprudence can balance community rights and offender rights within a human rights perspective. The proposed normative framework guides forensic psychologists in the assessment of risk, the treatment of need, and the management of readiness in balancing community rights and offender rights. Within a human rights perspective, forensic psychologists have a duty to provide offenders with the opportunity to make autonomous decisions about whether to accept or reject rehabilitation.

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Whilst the overall effectiveness of offender rehabilitation programmes in reducing recidivism is now well established, there has been less discussion of the reasons why rehabilitation programmes may be unsuccessful for some offenders. In this paper we suggest that models of change developed in counselling and psychotherapy may have utility in explaining how offender rehabilitation programmes bring about change, and argue that the dominance of cognitive-behavioural treatments in the rehabilitation field means that those offenders who have particularly low levels of problem awareness may be at increased risk of treatment failure. Understanding more about the mechanisms by which programmes help offenders to desist from offending is likely to lead to the development of more responsive and, ultimately, more effective programmes. Some suggestions for those involved in the delivery of offender rehabilitation programmes include: being mindful of the sequence of components of programmes, the development of preparation (or readiness) programmes and offering a broad suite of programmes to cater for different stages of problem awareness and assimilation among offenders.

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In this paper we offer an overview of reintegration policies in both Australia and New Zealand. We describe the rehabilitative practices of both countries, and their basis in the Risk—Needs—Responsivity model of offender rehabilitation, before outlining the recently developed Good Lives Model of offender rehabilitation. Our conclusion is that the model has much to offer the future development of reintegration programmes in Australasia (and elsewhere), given its ability to conceptualise the change process, and accommodate those cultural and contextual factors that are so important to the correctional population in these countries.

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Although the need to assess appropriate candidates for offender rehabilitation programs is widely acknowledged, few assessment tools are available that have been validated for use with offender populations. This article reports on the development and validation of a brief self-report measure designed to assess treatment readiness in offenders who have been referred to a cognitive skills program. The measure, the Corrections Victoria Treatment Readiness Questionnaire, displayed acceptable levels of convergent and discriminant validity, and was able to predict treatment engagement and treatment performance at the midpoint of the program. Suggested cutoff points are reported for use in assessing offenders for this type of program. It is concluded that the measure can play a valuable role in the assessment of offenders who are being considered for rehabilitative treatment.

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Whilst the overall effectiveness of offender rehabilitation programs in reducing recidivism is now well established, there has been less discussion of the reasons why rehabilitation programs may be unsuccessful for some offenders. In this paper we suggest that the Assimilation model of change (Stiles et al., 1991) may have utility in explaining how offender rehabilitation programs bring about change, and argue that those offenders who have particularly low levels of problem awareness may be at increased risk of treatment failure. Methods of measuring problem awareness and treatment readiness are discussed along with possible methods of intervention, including the Pennebaker method.

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Despite a growing body of evidence pointing to the central role of negative emotional states in the offence process, there has been relatively little work, either theoretical or applied, investigating this area. This paper offers a review of the literature that has sought to investigate the association between negative emotion and offending. It is concluded that there are grounds to consider negative emotional states as important dynamic risk factors that should be addressed as part of any psychological intervention to reduce the risk of re-offending amongst forensic clients.

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In this paper we suggest that the effectiveness of many offender rehabilitation programs may be further enhanced by the inclusion of interventions that build on existing motivation to change. Taking the example of anger management interventions delivered within the context of violent offender rehabilitation, we propose that the emphasis on positive personal change implicit in therapies designed to promote forgiveness may hold some promise. Such therapies may be useful in so far as they facilitate the development of perspective-taking skills, and assist in the therapeutic management of shame and guilt in ways that are likely to be engaging for violent offenders.

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The use of the criminal justice system to force offenders to receive psychological treatment is one of the most controversial aspects of service provision for offenders. Coerced treatment needs to be distinguished from pressured treatment, both having objective and subjective dimensions. In this paper some arguments for and against coerced offender rehabilitation are discussed. We suggest that coercing offenders into attending rehabilitation programmes (or placing legal pressure on them to attend) is unlikely by itself to lead to poorer outcomes. Rather, the individual's perception of coercion will be more influential in determining how an offender approaches treatment. Even when offenders perceive they are being coerced, it is likely that pre-treatment anti-therapeutic attitudes can change over the course of a programme, such that therapeutic gains (risk reduction) can occur. Coercion and its effects on treatment engagement and rehabilitation outcomes require further empirical research and conceptual analysis.

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This article investigates some of the primary assumptions and values that underpin correctional practice in the area of offender rehabilitation. It is suggested that values are reflected in offenders’ and clinicians’ fundamental beliefs about the rehabilitative process and as such underlie their various actions. This article identifies three areas in which values may be important (organisational values about crime and punishment, professional values, and personal values) and discusses each in relation to its relevance for rehabilitative practice. It is concluded that despite the apparent role of values in the correctional domain, very little is known about the values of those who deliver rehabilitative programs and how these might influence rehabilitative outcomes.

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Rehabilitation programs for violent offenders are at an early stage in their development, and there is currently only a very limited empirical base from which to draw any conclusions about treatment effectiveness (Jolliffe and Farrington, 2007). Therapeutic communities for offender populations have a much longer history, although the effects of applying this model of treatment to violent offenders have not been systematically investigated. This paper reviews the content and evidence supporting both violent offender treatment programs and therapeutic community models, concluding that approaches to treatment which combine features of both may prove to be most successful, and warrant further development and evaluation.