998 resultados para occupation law


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Some of the themes discussed are: • Occupation—store, The Jefferson Hotel (2, 4-6, 11, 17-18) • Food (2) • Colby—Greek life (3, 7) • Military service (3-4) • Bar Mitzvah (6, 12) • Life in Waterville—Circus (6) • Anti-semitism (10-12) • Occupationlaw (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (14) • Jewish education (12) • Synagogue (13) • Civic engagement—United Way (15) • Civic engagement (26-28) • Camp—Modin (18) • College—attendance (19) • Colby—football (20-21, 23, 30)

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Some themes discussed are: • Military service—(1) • Occupation—retail (2) • Occupation—Stride Rite Shoes (10) • Occupationlaw (11-12) • Life in Augusta—grandparents (2) • Life in Augusta—childhood (3) • Interfaith interaction (5) • Yiddish (4) • Jewish education (5, 8, 10) • Synagogue (5) • Holidays—Christmas (5-6) • Holidays—Passover/Sukkot (6) • Dating— interfaith marriage (7-8) • Jewish Identity (5, 9-10)

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Some themes discussed are: • Jewish education—Hebrew tutor/Hebrew school(1) • Jewish education—Sunday School(10) • Jewish education—parents (12) • Holidays (1-2) • Civic engagement (1, 5) • Civic engagement—B’nai B’rith and Hadassah (2) • Food—kosher (2) • Colby—Greek life (3-4) • Occupationlaw (4) • Dating—marriage (5) • Dating—at Colby (8) • Dating—interfaith marriage (9) • Live in Waterville—attractions (6) • Live in Waterville—school (9) • Colby—Hillel (6) • Colby—classes (6) • Colby—campus life (7-8, 12-13) • Synagogue (11)

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Some themes discussed are: • Jewish identity—prayer (1, 3) • Jewish identity—modern changes (3) • Jewish education—Hebrew/Sunday School (1, 4, 5) • Food—family picnics (2) • Food—favorites (13) • Food—kosher (14) • Occupation—store/tailoring (2) • Occupationlaw (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (8-9) • Education—Bowdoin (8) • Education—Harvard Law (8) • Marriage—parents (9-10) • Intermarriage (11) • Social life—Center Youth (11) • Dating—non-Jews (12)

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Some of the themes discussed are: • Occupation—store, The Jefferson Hotel (2, 4-6, 11, 17-18) • Food (2) • Colby—Greek life (3, 7) • Military service (3-4) • Bar Mitzvah (6, 12) • Life in Waterville—Circus (6) • Anti-semitism (10-12) • Occupationlaw (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (14) • Jewish education (12) • Synagogue (13) • Civic engagement—United Way (15) • Civic engagement (26-28) • Camp—Modin (18) • College—attendance (19) • Colby—football (20-21, 23, 30)

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Israel's occupation of territories it captured in 1967 has become one of the longest and most controversial occupations of the last fifty years. Eschewing the traditional political analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this paper aims to explore whether Israel has adequately applied international law in the occupied territories, in particular, the law of belligerent occupation. The two actors under assessment are the Israeli government, particularly its military which enforces and maintains the law in the territories, and the Supreme Court of Israel, which has the power of review over military actions in the territories. The particular issues of the occupation that are critically analyzed are the general legal framework that Israel established in the territories, Israel's civilian settlement policy in territories, and Israel's construction of a barrier in the West Bank. This paper concludes that Israel has incorrectly applied the legal framework of belligerent occupation by refusing to apply the Fourth Geneva Convention; it has wrongly concluded that the establishment of civilian settlements in the territories conform with international law; yet it has rightly concluded that the construction of the barrier in the West Bank is permissible under international law, in contrast to the conclusion of the much publicized International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion on the 'Wall.' Along with these general assessments, the author will also provide some historical and political insight into why the Israeli government and the Supreme Court may have applied the law in the way that they did.

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The prohibition on unfair contract terms in standard form consumer contracts has the potential to significantly impact on the terms of contracts for the sale of land. The definition of ‘consumer contract’ includes contracts for the sale or grant of an interest in land to an individual wholly or predominantly for personal or domestic use. Therefore, a contract for the purchase of a residence for personal occupation by the buyer, as opposed to a purchase for investment purposes, will be a consumer contract potentially attracting the application of the unfair terms provisions. Significant consumer protection mechanisms already exist in most state jurisdictions requiring disclosure of relevant matters to the buyer and providing remedies for the provision of misleading conduct. Minimal evidence of unfair terms in land contract was presented to the Productivity Commission Inquiry into the Australian Consumer Policy Framework raising the question as to whether there is an identified problem of unfair terms in real estate contracts and if so, whether the same economic and ethical rationales justify regulatory intervention. This article examines what effect if any the introduction of the unfair contract provisions will have on the enforcement of residential land contracts and the viability of previously accepted conditions if challenged as being “unfair terms”. The article concludes that despite the existence of several potentially unfair terms in some land contracts, the intervention of the rules of equity to overcome perceived hardship or unfairness to buyers from strict enforcement of terms means the unfair terms provisions are only likely to operate on terms untouched by those principles. In the authors’ view the scope for operation of the unfair terms provisions will be limited to terms untouched by the principles of equity and consumer protection legislation making it unlikely that there will be any significant realignment of the contractual obligations and rights of buyers and sellers of land.

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This chapter will provide you with the some of the information you may need to make information on decisions in cases such as the one given above. In particular it will help you answer questions such as: 1. As Molly and Vikram are approaching the end of their shift, to attend will force them into overtime; could they refuse to attend the job on the basis of the refusal to do overtime outside of contracted hours? 2. Would their refusal be viewed as a breach of contract and therefore a disciplinary issue? 3. Why? 4. Does the need to attend this possibly gravely ill patient outweigh the demands of the paramedics to finish on time?

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Like many cautionary tales, The Hunger Games takes as its major premise an observation about contemporary society, measuring its ballistic arc in order to present graphically its logical conclusions. The Hunger Games gazes back to the panem et circenses of Ancient Rome, staring equally cynically forward, following the trajectory of reality television to its unbearably barbaric end point – a sadistic voyeurism for an effete elite of consumers. At each end of the historical spectrum (and in the present), the prevailing social form is Arendt’s animal laborans. Consumer or consumed, Panem’s population is (with the exception of the inner circle) either deprived of the possibility of, or distracted from, political action. Within the confines of the Games themselves, Law is abandoned or de‐realised: Law – an elided Other in the pseudo‐Hobbesian nightmare that is the Arena. The Games are played out, as were gladiatorial combats and other diversions of the Roman Empire, against a background resonant of Juvenal’s concern for his contemporaries’ attachment to short term gratification at the expense the civic virtues of justice and caring which are (or would be) constitutive of a contemporary form of Arendt’s homo politicus. While the Games are, on their face, ‘reality’ they are (like the realities presented in contemporary reality television) a simulated reality, de‐realised in a Foucauldian set design constructed as a distraction for Capitol, and for the residents of the Districts, a constant reminder of their subservience to Capitol. Yet contemporary Western culture, for which manipulative reality TV is but a symptom of an underlying malaise, is inscribed at least as an incipient Panem, Its public/political space is diminished by the effective slavery of the poor, the pre‐occupation with and distractions of materiality and modern media, and the increasing concentration of power/wealth into a smaller proportion of the population.

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Le Conseil de sécurité est l’organe principal du système onusien chargé du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Face à une situation illégale, il ne peut donc l’ignorer et s’en désintéresser. Cependant, la perpétration d’un acte à la légalité controversée par l’un ou plusieurs de ses membres permanents peut nous laisser entendre que l’organe politique onusien aura des difficultés à remplir son rôle. Les membres permanents vont tenter d’instrumentaliser le Conseil de sécurité afin de diminuer l’illégalité de la situation. Ceci pose avec acuité le problème du contrôle de son activité en matière de maintien de la paix. L’accomplissement d’un acte illégal par un ou plusieurs membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité nécessite alors de réfléchir à des moyens d’ordre juridique pour limiter son pouvoir. Cette réflexion s’avère particulièrement pressante lorsque le Conseil est confronté à une occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents ou, lorsqu’il crée ou autorise des opérations de paix de grandes envergures suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses membres permanents. Afin de limiter les prérogatives du Conseil de sécurité, le régime juridique de l’occupation tel qu’énoncé par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 devrait être appliquer par l’organe politique onusien lorsqu’il intervient dans une situation d’occupation de guerre impliquant ses membres permanents. L’objectif est d’éviter qu’il n’attribue aux puissances occupantes des missions qui dépassent le cadre juridique imposé par le droit des conflits armés. L’autorisation, par le Conseil de sécurité d’opérations de paix, telles qu’une administration civile transitoire ou une force multinationale avec un mandat de la paix avec recours à la force armée, suite à un conflit armé impliquant ses propres membres permanents, ouvre le débat sur leur réglementation. Alors, il sera proposé une interprétation progressiste de la définition de l’occupation telle qu’énoncée par le Règlement de La Haye (IV) de 1907 et la IVe Convention de Genève de 1949 afin d’y intégrer ces nouvelles formes d’occupations pacifiques, présentant de grandes similitudes avec les occupations de guerre. Ainsi, le régime juridique de l’occupation pourra leur être appliqué.

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L’objet de ce travail vise à déterminer si le transport aérien en Europe relève d’une compétence partagée entre l’Union européenne (UE) et les États membres, ou s’il s’agit plutôt d’une occupation du terrain par l’UE dans cette matière ? Ainsi, nous verrons en quoi consiste le cadre règlementaire communautaire portant sur le transport aérien en Europe. Dans un premier temps, nous porterons notre attention sur des aspects généraux entourant l’aviation en Europe, comme par exemple la mise en place d’un marché unique de l’aviation ainsi que les ententes « ciel ouvert ». Puis, dans un second temps nous procéderons à l’analyse du cadre règlementaire spécifique portant sur des aspects tels que l’environnement, les droits des passagers aériens, la sécurité et la sûreté.

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