416 resultados para noun phrase
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Estudiar la evolución del lenguaje en niños bilingües que hablan euskera y castellano. Hipótesis: se encontrarán pocas marcas gramaticales en las frases. En euskera aparecerán ciertos sufijos de declinación; se espera encontrar el determinante 'A', marca de los casos locativo y posesivo y posiblemente algunos dativos. En castellano se espera no encontrar marcas gramaticales con preposiciones y artículos y sí en los casos locativo y posesivo. No se hallarán marcas formales y sí algunas construcciones lingüísticas por categorías ya que parece que los sistemas gramaticales funcionan de manera autónoma. Un niño en su período entre un año y once meses hasta dos años y tres meses, que se desenvuelve en euskera en el ambiente familiar y en castellano en su ambiente social. Se trata de un estudio descriptivo que está dividido en cuatro apartados: relato del ambiente familiar y social en el que se desenvuelve el niño. Diferencias entre el castellano y el euskera. Teorías que explican este tipo de problemas. Análisis de datos recogidos en las cintas. Las marcas gramaticales en castellano y euskera se clasifican en dos grupos: prefijos y unidades aisladas que preceden al nombre como artículos, pseudoartículos. Sufijos, incluyendo las marcas de casos, y calificativos. Grabaciones en vídeo sobre la producción en castellano y en euskera en situaciones familiares espontáneas. Cada sesión de grabación dura 30 minutos para cada idioma. Análisis de los datos recogidos en la grabación después de haber realizado la transcripción. En este caso, el artículo castellano no aparece inmediatamente. Los artículos indefinidos son más frecuentes que los definidos. Las formas masculinas predominan sobre las femeninas. Los artículos en castellano y los nombres en castellano y euskera son las unidades gramaticales más numerosas. Hay pocos ejemplos de sufijos locativos y posesivos. Aparecen pocas marcas de plural en los nombres. Se usan otras cuantificaciones como números, palabras 'otro', 'más'. A este nivel gramatical no hay fusión de marcas de los dos idiomas: no hay terminaciones 'A' en palabras castellanas usadas en contexto hispano y no hay artículos castellanos delante de nombres vascos usados en contexto vasco.
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This paper describes the emergence of new functional items in the Mauritian Creole noun phrase, following the collapse of the French determiner system when superstrate and substrate came into contact. The aim of the paper is to show how the new language strived to express the universal semantic contrasts of (in)definiteness and singular vs. plural. The process of grammaticalization of new functional items in the determiner system was accompanied by changes in the syntax from French to creole. An analysis within Chomsky’s Minimalist framework (1995, 2000, 2001) suggests that these changes were driven by the need to map semantic features onto the syntax.
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El sintagma determinant en el castellà antic medieval
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In French the adjective petit 'small, little' has a special status: it fulfills various pragmatic functions in addition to semantic meanings and it is thus highly frequent in discourse. Résumé: This study, based on the data of two children, aged 1;6 to 2;11, argues that petit and its pragmatic meanings play a specific role in the acquisition of French adjectives. In contrast to what is expected in child language, petit favours the early development of a pattern of noun phrase with prenominal attributive adjective. The emergence and distribution of petit in the children's production is examined and related to its distribution in the input, and the detailed pragmatic meanings and functions of petit are analysed. Prenominal petit emerges early as the preferred and most productive adjective. Pragmatic meanings of petit appear to be predominant in this early age and are of two main types: expressions of endearment (in noun phrases) and mitigating devices whose scope is the entire utterance. These results, as well as instances of children's pragmatic overgeneralizations, provide new evidence that at least some pragmatic meanings are prior to semantic meanings in early acquisition.
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Mémoire par article
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El sintagma determinant en el castellà antic medieval
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The hypothesis that pronouns can be resolved via either the syntax or the discourse representation has played an important role in linguistic accounts of pronoun interpretation (e.g. Grodzinsky & Reinhart, 1993). We report the results of an eye-movement monitoring study investigating the relative timing of syntactically-mediated variable binding and discourse-based coreference assignment during pronoun resolution. We examined whether ambiguous pronouns are preferentially resolved via either the variable binding or coreference route, and in particular tested the hypothesis that variable binding should always be computed before coreference assignment. Participants’ eye movements were monitored while they read sentences containing a pronoun and two potential antecedents, a c-commanding quantified noun phrase and a non c-commanding proper name. Gender congruence between the pronoun and either of the two potential antecedents was manipulated as an experimental diagnostic for dependency formation. In two experiments, we found that participants’ reading times were reliably longer when the linearly closest antecedent mismatched in gender with the pronoun. These findings fail to support the hypothesis that variable binding is computed before coreference assignment, and instead suggest that antecedent recency plays an important role in affecting the extent to which a variable binding antecedent is considered. We discuss these results in relation to models of memory retrieval during sentence comprehension, and interpret the antecedent recency preference as an example of forgetting over time.
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We report three eye-movement experiments and an antecedent choice task investigating the interpretation of reflexives in different syntactic contexts. This included contexts in which the reflexive and a local antecedent were coarguments of the same verbal predicate (John heard that the soldier had injured himself), and also so-called picture noun phrases, either with a possessor (John heard about the soldier’s picture of himself) or without (John heard that the soldier had a picture of himself). While results from the antecedent choice task indicated that comprehenders would choose a nonlocal antecedent (‘John’ above) for reflexives in either type of picture noun phrase, the eye-movement experiments suggested that participants preferred to initially interpret the reflexive in each context as referring to the local antecedent (‘the soldier’), as indexed by longer reading times when it mismatched in gender with the reflexive. We also observed a difference in the time-course of this effect. While it was observed during first-pass processing at the reflexive for coargument reflexives and those in picture noun phrases with a possessor, it was comparatively delayed for reflexives in possessorless picture noun phrases. These results suggest that locality constraints are more strongly weighted cues to retrieval than gender agreement for both coargument reflexives and those inside picture noun phrases. We interpret the observed time-course differences as indexing the relative ease of accessing the local antecedent in different syntactic contexts.
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In order to study problems of individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) with morphosyntax, we investigated twenty high-functioning Greek-speaking children (mean age:6;11) and twenty age- and language-matched typically developing children on environments that allow or forbid object clitics or their corresponding noun phrase. Children with ASD fell behind typically developing in comprehending and producing simple clitics and producing noun phrases in focus structures. The two groups performed similarly in comprehending and producing clitics in clitic left dislocation and in producing noun phrases in non-focus structures. We argue that children with ASD have difficulties at the interface of(morpho)syntax with pragmatics and prosody, namely, distinguishing a discourse prominent element, and considering intonation relevant for a particular interpretation that excludes clitics.
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The occurrence of pauses and hesitations in spontaneous speech has been shown to occur systematically, for example, "between sentences, after discourse markers and conjunctions and before accented content words." (Hansson [15]) This is certainly plausible in English, where pauses and hesitations can and often do occur before content words such as nominals, for example, "uh, there's a … man." (Chafe [8]) However, if hesitations are, in fact, evidence of "deciding what to talk about next," (Chafe [8]) then the complex grammatical system of German should render this pausing position precarious, since pre-modifiers must account for the gender of the nominals they modify.In this paper, I present data to test the hypothesis that pre-nominal hesitation patterns in German are dissimilar to those in English. Hesitations in German will be shown, in fact, to occur within noun phrase units. Nevertheless, native speakers most often succeed in supplying a nominal which conforms to the gender indicated by the determiner or pre-modifier. Corrections, or repairs, of infelicitous pre-modifiers indicate that the speaker was unable to supply a nominal of the same gender which the choice of pre-modifier had committed him/her to. The frequency of such repairs is shown to vary according to task, with fewest repairs occurring in elicited speech which allows for linguistic freedom and therefore is most like spontaneous speech. The data sets indicate that among German native speakers, hesitations occurring before noun phrase units (pre-NPU hesitations) indicate deliberation of what to say, while hesitations within or before the head of the noun phrase (pre-NPH hesitations) indicate deliberation of how to say what has already been decided (cf. Chafe [8]).
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This study investigates variable noun phrase number agreement (VNA) in two second language varieties of Portuguese, spoken in Maputo, Mozambique and in Mindelo, Cape Verde. Quantitative VARBRUL analysis is carried out based on recordings made in Maputo and Mindelo 2007 and 2008. Previous quantitative studies on VNA in varieties of Brazilian Portuguese (Guy, 1981; Lopes, 2001; Andrade, 2003) as well as on VNA in first and second language varieties of Portuguese from São Tomé (Baxter, 2004; Figueiredo, 2008, 2010) indicate contact between Portuguese and African languages as the main origin of this phenomenon. VNA in Brazilian Portuguese is, however, interpreted by Scherre (1988) and Naro & Scherre (1993, 2007) as the result of language internal drift. Varieties of Portuguese from Mozambique and Cape Verde are particularly interesting to contrast in order to investigate influences from African languages on VNA, as in Mozambique Bantu languages are first languages of the vast majority of Portuguese speakers, whereas in Cape Verde, practically all Portuguese speakers are first language speakers of Cape Verdean Creole, whose substrates are West African, and not Bantu, languages. Comparison is also made with previous studies from Brazil and São Tomé. The results of this study comment previously postulated explanations for VNA in Portuguese in various ways. The analysis of the variables onset age and age stratum indicates that VNA in the analyzed varieties is a phenomenon linked to the acquisition of Portuguese as a second language and/or language contact rather than the result of internal drift. The fact that all the compared varieties tend to mark plural on pre-head components contradicts Bantu transfer as an explanation for this pattern, and raises the need to also consider more general explanations based on language contact. The basic structural similarity between the compared varieties suggests the existence of a grammatical restructuring continuum.
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This body of work aims to describe and analyze the behavior of the Aí specificity marker of indefinite Noun Phrases (NP), one of the many functions this linguistic item is developing in contemporary Brazilian Portuguese. From the Functional Linguistic theory perspective, the North American declivity, this project intends to outline the possible grammaticalization trajectory taken by the Aí specificity marker. It will be followed from its function as a spatial deitic up to its integration of indefinite NP, and the action of the fundamental principles of the theory, such as iconicity and informativity, will be observed on the use of this item. Following this, Aí specificity marker behavior will be described in respect to various linguistic and social factors: type of text where the occurrence is encountered, language modality in which the latter is produced, syntactic function developed by the NP specified by Aí , the existence or lack of material intervening between Aí and the NP nuclear noun, informational status of the NP adjugated to Aí , and finally, sex, education and age of the speaker. The occurrence of conversational implicatures will also be verified (GRICE, 1982) within the contexts of Aí specificity marker use. Reflections on the teaching of grammar will be made, as well as on the possibility and validity of working with noun phrase specificity markers in elementary and high school Portuguese language classes. The data used in this research project stem from Corpus Discurso & Gramática A língua falada e escrita na cidade do Natal (FURTADO DA CUNHA, 1998), and from Corpus Discurso & Gramática A língua falada e escrita na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (VOTRE; OLIVEIRA, 1995)