From Fordism to neoconservatism : free trade and Canadian industrial policy in an era of globalism /

Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

Neoconservatism in the United States and the institutionalized exclusion of Poor Women

Public Assistance to the poor in the United States was always been reluctant and especially cruel to women. A society that from the outset prized Kantian principles of individual freedom over Rousseau’s notions of social contract and that was dominated by a puritanical morality saw poverty as self-made. If individuals had freedom of choice, bad outcomes were necessarily caused by bad choices. The poor had themselves to blame.

Neoconservatism, US-China conflict, and Australia's 'great and powerful friends' dilemma

Following its time-honoured 'great and powerful friends' foreign policy tradition, Australia has been cultivating close ties simultaneously with the United States and China. Yet, as a rivalry between the two powers apparently looms large, Australia faces an acute dilemma. While the rise of China and the question of Taiwan are often cited as main causes of US-China discord, this article argues that the American neoconservative policy on China, underpinned by a belief in both military strength and moral clarity, is integral to this growing competition and is, by extension, partly responsible for the emergence of Australia's predicament. To avoid such a difficult choice, the article suggests that Australia should strive to curb the policy influence of neoconservatism both in the United States and at home by pursuing a more independent foreign policy, making clear its strategic postures on US-China relations, and helping establish a trilateral strategic forum between Australia, the United States, and China.

Neoconservatism as discourse: virtue, power and US foreign policy

Neoconservatism in US foreign policy is a hotly contested subject, yet most scholars broadly agree on what it is and where it comes from. From a consensus that it first emerged around the 1960s, these scholars view neoconservatism through what we call the ‘3Ps’ approach, defining it as a particular group of people (‘neocons’), an array of foreign policy preferences and/or an ideological commitment to a set of principles. While descriptively intuitive, this approach reifies neoconservatism in terms of its specific and often static ‘symptoms’ rather than its dynamic constitutions. These reifications may reveal what is emblematic of neoconservatism in its particular historical and political context, but they fail to offer deeper insights into what is constitutive of neoconservatism. Addressing this neglected question, this article dislodges neoconservatism from itsperceived home in the ‘3Ps’ and ontologically redefines it as a discourse. Adopting aFoucauldian approach of archaeological and genealogical discourse analysis, we trace itsdiscursive formations primarily to two powerful and historically enduring discourses ofthe American self — virtue and power — and illustrate how these discourses produce aparticular type of discursive fusion that is ‘neoconservatism’. We argue that to betterappreciate its continued effect on contemporary and future US foreign policy, we needto pay close attention to those seemingly innocuous yet deeply embedded discoursesabout the US and its place in the world, as well as to the people, policies and principlesconventionally associated with neoconservatism.

The influence of neoconservatism on US foreign policy debates during the Obama administration

Neoconservatism reached its zenith as a school of thought when it became associated with the Iraq War. Although the war was largely considered a failure, it raised the profile of neoconservatism as a school of thought. Many studies were completed which pointed to the influence of prominent members of the George W. Bush administration who were considered to be ideologically neoconservative. When Obama won the presidency in 2008, it was assumed that the influence of neoconservatives, or neoconservatism more broadly, would be over. However, given neoconservatism’s historical foundations and the tenacity of its adherents it seemed important to consider whether this has been the case. Therefore, this thesis set out to answer the question: To what extent have neoconservatives, and neoconservatism more broadly, influenced foreign policy debates during the Obama administration? I argue that neoconservatism has remained not only salient within foreign policy debates, but prominent in these debates, during Obama’s two terms in office. An examination of US foreign policy towards the nuclear crisis in Iran and the Syrian civil war indicates that neoconservatism had a substantive influence on the policy debates and the options considered within them, particularly in Congress. In some instances, neoconservative policy entrepreneurs contributed to legislation. Furthermore, this thesis finds that neoconservatism has been the predominant approach to foreign policy within the Republican Party on the issues of Iran and Syria during the period under review.

A formação acadêmica e profissional nas faculdades públicas de serviço social do estado do Rio de Janeiro: os docentes e o projeto profissional.

O presente estudo aborda a Formação Acadêmica e Profissional em Serviço Social tomando como objeto o Corpo Docente das Faculdades Públicas de Serviço Social do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Tomamos como referência o projeto ético político do Serviço Social, especialmente, o projeto de formação da ABEPSS, parte e expressão do primeiro. Observamos que os docentes são sujeitos imprescindíveis no processo de formação dos graduandos e, ainda que não determinem o posicionamento e a direção social escolhidos pelos futuros profissionais, colaboram ou não para um processo de formação crítica que pode contribuir para que o futuro assistente social tenha o perfil profissional explicitado nas Diretrizes Curriculares da ABEPSS: profissional dotado de formação intelectual e cultural, generalista e crítica, competente em sua área de desempenho, com capacidade de inserção criativa e propositiva, no conjunto das relações sociais e no mercado de trabalho (ABEPSS, 2002). Partimos da hipótese de que a disputa por projetos distintos no interior do Serviço Social vem se dando no meio acadêmico de maneira velada no sentido de que tudo o que diz respeito ao Serviço Social pode se articular ao projeto ético-político, como se o mesmo não resultasse de um processo ligado à teoria crítica e de uma mudança ideopolítica no interior da categoria dos assistentes sociais. Consequentemente, a presença nos espaços da academia de tendências conservadoras e neoconservadoras, vem aprofundando o afastamento do debate/problematização de questões essenciais à profissão como, por exemplo, o cotidiano e o exercício profissional. Concluimos que se por um lado, o perfil docente, no que diz respeito à formação dos professores pesquisados, é um perfil que pode responder às necessidades do projeto de formação acadêmica e profissional da ABEPSS, por outro lado, quando abordamos as linhas e projetos de pesquisa que fundamentam a produção dos referidos docentes, observamos um distanciamento do Serviço Social e do projeto ético-político.

Koncepcja imperium w neokonserwatywnej myśli politycznej w okresie prezydentury George’a W. Busha

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa: Zakład Stosunków Międzynarodowych

El alcance del contagio ideológico del gobierno de Bush en la juventud bogotana.¿Resistir o Ceder? : Estudio sobre la influencia que ha tenido la política de guerra preventiva interpretada a través de la teoría neorrealista en el pensamiento de los estudiantes de Relaciones Internacionales y Ciencia Política en Bogotá

Se tiene como meta analizar, teniendo en cuenta el alcance global que alcanza la política de guerra preventiva, en qué medida un grupo social específico ha logrado recibir el impacto que fomenta la difusión de esta política.

LA COOPERACIÓN BILATERAL EN MATERIA MILITAR ENTRE EE.UU. Y EGIPTO Y SU INCIDENCIA EN LA SEGURIDAD FRONTERIZA CON ISRAEL (2002-2008).

Este estudio de caso se realiza con el ánimo de analizar la cooperación militar existente entre Estados Unidos y Egipto durante el periodo de 2002 a 2008. De esta manera, se busca conocer la incidencia que dicha cooperación tuvo en la seguridad fronteriza de Egipto e Israel. Para tal fin a lo largo del trabajo se procederá a exponer los principales aspectos del programa de cooperación analizado, se identificaran las principales amenazas a la seguridad fronteriza de Egipto y de Israel y se describirán las principales acciones que en el marco de dicho programa de cooperación militar se han tomado para hacerles frente a estas.

Keywords in the Australian context

Borrowing the title of Raymond Williams’ famous study, the following reflections – sometimes collective and sometimes individual – are based on a series of “Keywords”, specifically: “fear” “community” and “creativity”. By reflecting on the meanings these words have for us today, we attempt to capture their dialogical character, posing them as sites of contestation and struggle, and thereby developing a language of both resistance and hope in the face of neoliberal and neoconservative attacks on education. These reflections continue a series of arguments in defence of the profession first presented in the publication “Only connect”: English teaching, schooling and community in 2006.

Neoliberalism is not a theory of everything: a Bourdieuian analysis of illusio in educational research

 Despite the frequency with which the concept of neoliberalism is employed within academic literature, its complex and multifaceted nature makes it difficult to define and describe. Indeed, data reported in this article suggest that there is a tendency in educational research to make extensive use of the word ‘neoliberalism’ (or its variants neoliberal, neo-liberal and neo-liberalism) as a catch-all for something negative but without offering a definition or explanation. The article highlights a number of key risks associated with this approach and draws on the Bourdieuian concept of illusio to suggest the possibility that when as educational researchers we use the word ‘neoliberalism’ in this way, rather than interrupting the implementation of neoliberal policies and practices, we may, in fact, be further entrenching the neoliberal doxa. That is to say, we are both playing the neoliberal game and inadvertently demonstrating our belief that it is a game worth being played. In so doing, this article seeks to extend understandings of what illusio means within the context of educational research.

A abordagem neoconservadora da crise na sociedade estadunidense e sua influência no governo de George W. Bush

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

How neocons are still winning in 2016

Amidst the antiestablishment fervor, one establishment characteristic of American politics and foreign policy is more likely than not to survive: neoconservatism.