Les représentations sociales du politique: une analyse sémantique de l'idéologie nationale fédéraliste québécoise durant les deux périodes référendaires

Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons l’étude des représentations sociales du politique dans la presse quotidienne. Notre objet d’étude est le sens de la nation au Québec dans une période historique où la notion idéologique de nation s’avère un cadre de référence en profonde mutation dans de nombreuses sociétés. Plus particulièrement, nous voulons nous situer au centre des tensions à propos de la représentation sociale nationale en prenant comme observatoire un travail idéologique fédéraliste par des Québécois, qui à la fois se posent comme promoteurs de la nation, et visent une intégration dans un autre espace national et juridique : le Canada. Les résultats de cette étude qualitative sont issus d’une analyse sémantique du discours éditorial du journal La Presse. Nous avons ainsi examiné les différentes catégories de connaissance mobilisées lors de l’évocation de l’espace national, ainsi que la façon dont elles sont organisées au sein du discours lors des deux périodes référendaires, soit en 1980 et 1995. C’est donc dans le cadre d’une sociologie de la connaissance journalistique que nous menons cette étude. Le discours social, à partir de l’étude des théories des représentations sociales et de la sociologie des contenus médiatiques, ne peut se considérer qu’à travers l’ensemble des relations sociales dont il est le produit. Nous nous attachons ici à définir d’une part les spécificités du discours éditorial, et d’autre part les différentes catégories de connaissances utilisées dans notre corpus qui font sens. On perçoit alors, grâce à une description diachronique, l’évolution des représentations sociales ayant a trait à l’espace national québécois entre les deux périodes étudiées. Après avoir défini ce dont on parle lorsqu’il est question de l’espace national, nous nous emploierons à analyser la façon dont ce discours est organisé. Ainsi, nous mettons en avant d’une part, les différentes formes discursives, rhétoriques et argumentatives, mises en place dans le but de persuader et de justifier l’action (le rejet des deux référendums, et l’adhésion aux promesses de renouvellement du fédéralisme), et d’autre part la logique discursive mobilisée consistant à placer la nation comme un objet politique rationnel ou non. En effet, le discours éditorial nous permet de mettre au jour une organisation cognitive de la connaissance, qui à quelques nuances près, est structurée de façon manichéenne entre le rationnel (l’éditorialiste, le fédéralisme, l’économique, l’universalisme, la raison de sens commun) et l’irrationnel (le souverainisme, ses dirigeants n’étant que des rêveurs et des passionnés), se plaçant dès lors dans un rapport de communication politique, plus proche de la propagande que de l’exemplarité réflexive que pose le discours éditorial.

Between flagged borders, across gendered lands : the voiceless female space in contemporary representations of Australian beach

International and national representations of the beach perpetuate normative female concepts by maintaining dominant masculine myths, such as that of the heroic lifesaver and tanned sunbaker. Female experiences on the beach are traditionally associated with rhetorics of danger and peril, contrasted to the welcomed and protective gaze of the beach male. Conventional understandings of the gaze promote male surveillance of women, and although some resistance exists, the beach primarily remains a place to observe the female form. This article attempts to explore currents of resistance at the beach through a self-reflexive examination of Schoolies. Although the event is fixed within patriarchal codes and structures, small eddies of resistance exist amongst female participants in light of increasing awareness of masculine hegemony. The Australian beach remains a contested site of multiple constructs of gender and national identity. This article reveals the changing tides of resistance.

"The greatest harbour in the world" : Sydney Harbour as a contested space in Australian culture

It is a matter of public record that the former Prime Minister of Australia, the Honourable Paul Keating, upset certain Australian architects with his intervention into the redevelopment of the 22-hectare “Barangaroo” site on Sydney Harbour. While Keating’s intervention continues to provide engaging theatre for Sydney residents the debate is also an interesting expression of the narrative of contestation that has been played out historically about the waters of Sydney Harbour. From a cultural studies perspective, the Harbour, and the Sydney Harbour Bridge, has been for many years a political and imaginative space that captures a diversity of local and national preoccupations. Keating’s announcement that planners have a “once-in-200-year opportunity to call a halt to the kind of encroachments we have seen in the past” is in fact another moment in the long history of disputation over the impact of the man-made environment on the natural landform in this area. This paper addresses the spaces of Sydney Harbour as represented in recent debates and in writing and film from previous decades. The argument suggests that the Harbour is a complex site of public and private enactment that is played out in a diverse range of cultural representations. In particular, the paper notes the work of Michel de Certeau on the mythic qualities of certain spaces in relation to the space of the Harbour. ‘The Greatest Harbour in the World’ argues that the Harbour, and the Bridge, fulfils a particular historical and cultural function that gives this space a set of meanings that are well beyond the typical parameters of urban development.

Never-Never Land : affective landscapes, the touristic gaze and heterotopic space in Australia

This article explores how the imaginative use of the landscape in Baz Luhrmann’s Australia (2008) intersects with the fantasy of Australianness that the film constructs. We argue the fictional Never-Never Land through which the film’s characters travel is an, albeit problematic, ‘indigenizing’ space that can be entered imaginatively through cultural texts including poetry, literature and film, or through cultural practices including touristic pilgrimages to landmarks such as Uluru and Kakadu National Park. These actual and virtual journeys to the Never-Never have broader implications in terms of fostering a sense of belonging and legitimating white presence in the land through affect, nostalgia and the invocation of an imagined sense of solidarity and community. The heterotopic concept of the Never-Never functions to create an ahistorical, inclusive space that grounds diverse conceptions of Australianness in a shared sense of belonging and home that is as mythical, contradictory and wondrous as the idea of the Never-Never itself. The representations of this landscape and the story of the characters that traverse it self-consciously construct a relationship to past events and to film history, as well as constructing a comfortable subject position for contemporary Australians to occupy in relation to the land, the colonial past, and the present.

The ongoing significance of national media systems in the context of media globalization

This article argues that the concept of national media systems, and the comparative study of media systems, institutions, and practices, retains relevance in an era of media globalization and technological convergence. It considers various critiques of ‘media systems’ theories, such as those which view the concept of ‘system’ as a legacy of an outdated positivism and those which argue that the media globalization is weakening the relevance of nation-states in structuring the field of media cultures and practices. It argues for the continuing centrality of nation-states to media processes, and the ongoing significance of the national space in an age of media globalization, with reference to case studies of Internet policies in China, Brazil, and Australia. These studies indicate that nation-states remain critical actors in media governance and that domestic actors largely shape the central dynamics of media policies, even where media technologies and platforms enable global flows of media content.

Adaptive selection of search space in look ahead orthogonal matching pursuit

Compressive Sensing theory combines the signal sampling and compression for sparse signals resulting in reduction in sampling rate and computational complexity of the measurement system. In recent years, many recovery algorithms were proposed to reconstruct the signal efficiently. Look Ahead OMP (LAOMP) is a recently proposed method which uses a look ahead strategy and performs significantly better than other greedy methods. In this paper, we propose a modification to the LAOMP algorithm to choose the look ahead parameter L adaptively, thus reducing the complexity of the algorithm, without compromising on the performance. The performance of the algorithm is evaluated through Monte Carlo simulations.

The notion of space in the artistic language of Alfredo Jaar

Conceptual art and communicator role has influenced the work of Chilean architect Alfredo Jaar, which has been proposed report, with other codes [verbal and nonverbal], global events influencing contemporary society. His early training as an architect has driven innovation in the design of artistic space , using the message to convey to the viewer the reason for his work for more than three decades, highlights the artistic composition with various material resources whose purpose lies in conceptualizing various topics relevant in considering the role of artistic communication. Jaar’s style is the sum of his own life experience in relation to the contradictions of the world today, which is exposed and from the perspective of postmodernism from the exploitation of the notion of space as an open stage for visual and expressiveness beyond national borders, societies and cultures of the world.

Patrick Moore, Arthur C. Clarke and ‘British Outer Space’ in the mid 20th century

This article seeks to explore a notion of 'British outer space' in the mid 20th century with reference to the British Interplanetary Society and the works of Patrick Moore and Arthur C. Clarke. Geographies of outer space have been examined following early work by Denis Cosgrove on the Apollo space photographs. Cosgrove's work has encouraged a growing body of work that seeks to examine both the 'Earth from space' perspective as well as its reciprocal, 'space from Earth'. This article aligns itself with the latter viewpoint, in attempting to define a national culture of 'British outer space'. This is found to have an important connection with the British Interplanetary Society, founded in 1933 near Liverpool, which went on to influence the works of Patrick Moore, who edited the magazine Spaceflight and presented the television programme The Sky at Night, and Arthur C. Clarke, who became known as a science fiction writer through his early novels in the 1950s. The themes of audience participation and human destiny in outer space are examined in a close reading of these two case studies, and further engagement with cultures of outer space in geography is encouraged. © The Author(s) 2012.

Gender and Public Space in Divided Cities

The paper addresses two connected questions: firstly, in what ways might ‘public’ and ‘private’ spaces in cities be gendered; and secondly, what might this mean for the possibilities for complex forms of civility in a divided city such as Belfast? The specific focus on gendered dynamics of entitlement to inhabit urban space in this paper begins with some consideration of debates about the quality and experience of everyday life in cities, and the emergence of commonsense notions of ‘public’ and ‘private’ behaviour. Following this, key research concerned with the gendered dynamics of claimed collective, and particularly national, identities are outlined, in order to consider the significance of this literature for any study of the gender dynamics of life in a contested political context such as Belfast.

Tales Out of School – The ‘Hidden Curriculum’ in National Schools in the North of Ireland During the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

The paper addresses the possibility of the existence of a ‘hidden curriculum’ in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century National Schools by comparing working practices evident from an analysis of a sample of schools from two case study areas in the north of Ireland – Derry City and the rural area of Boho/Derrygonnelly in western County Fermanagh. The relationship between the placement of the school buildings and variations in their external appearances are examined in respect to their relationships with different churches. The possible significance of this relationship is scrutinised given that the primary aim of the National School system was joint secular education in a religiously divided society. Both the external and internal architecture of the buildings are also examined for the purposes of reconstructing aspects of the intentions and practices that governed their use. In particular, the relationship between allocated space and the categories of age and gender are studied by means of an access analysis of the floor plans of a representative sample of primary schools from both case study areas. Information derived from oral history accounts, archived material from the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) and school registers is used to supplement the findings obtained from the architectural analyses.

Dimensionality of Policy Space in Consociational Northern Ireland

A criticism of consociational power sharing as an institutional response to violent conflict is that it buttresses rather than ameliorates the underlying (linguistic, religious or ethno-national) divide, hence prohibiting the emergence of new dimensions of political competition (such as economic left-right or moral liberal-conservative dimensions) that are characteristic of 'normal' societies. We test this argument in the context of the illustrative Northern Ireland case, using data from expert coding of party policy documents and opinion data derived from two Voter Advice Applications (VAAs). We find evidence for a moral liberal-conservative dimension of politics in addition to the ethno-national dimension. Hence, we caution against assuming that consociational polities are uni-dimensional.

Historical Consciousness and the Construction of Inter-Group Relations: The Case of Francophone and Anglophone History School Teachers in Quebec

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux effets de la conscience historique sur les négociations de l’ethnicité et la structuration des frontières intergroupes chez les enseignants d’histoire nationale au Québec. L’ambiguïté de dominance ethnique entre Francophones et Anglophones contextualise la façon dont les enseignants de ces groupes historicisent les significations du passé pour se connaître et s’orienter « ethniquement. » Selon leurs constructions des réalités intergroupes, ils peuvent promouvoir la compréhension intergroupe ou préserver une coexistence rigide. Le premier article théorise comment les capacités à historiciser le passé, ou à générer des formes de vie morales pour une orientation temporelle, soutiennent la construction de l’ethnicité. En développant un répertoire des tendances de conscience historique parallèles et égales afin de comprendre les fluctuations dans le maintien des frontières ethniques, l’article souligne l’importance de la volonté à reconnaître l’agentivité morale et historique des humains à rendre les frontières plus perméables. Le deuxième article discute d’une étude sur les attitudes intergroupes et les traitements mutuels entre des enseignants d’histoire Francophones et Anglophones. Alors que la plupart des répondants francophones sont indifférents aux réalités sociales et expériences historiques des Anglo-québécois, tous les répondants anglophones en sont conscients et enseignent celles des Franco-québécois. Cette divergence implique une dissemblance dans la manière dont les relations intergroupes passées sont historicisées. La non-reconnaissance de l’agentivité morale et historique des Anglo-québécois peut expliquer l’indifférence des répondants francophones. Le dernier article présente une étude sur la conscience historique des enseignants d’histoire francophone à l’égard des Anglo-québécois. En mettant le répertoire de conscience historique développé à l’épreuve, l’étude se concentre sur la manière dont les répondants historicisent le changement temporel dans leurs négociations de l’ethnicité et leurs structurations des frontières. Tandis que leurs opinions sur l’« histoire » et leurs historicisations des contextes différents les amènent à renforcer des différences ethnoculturelles et à ne pas reconnaître l’agentivité morale et historique de l’Autre, presque la moitié des répondants démontre une ouverture à apprendre et transmettre les réalités et expériences anglo-québécoises. La dépendance sur les visions historiques préétablies pour construire les réalités intergroupes souligne néanmoins l’exclusion de ce dernier groupe dans le développement d’une identité nationale.