799 resultados para minor sex trafficking


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This commentary is a discussion of the article "Human Trafficking, Sex Tourism, and Child Exploitation on the Southern Border." Most importantly, it is a comment on the lack of attention given to American children prostituted in our own backyards. All forms of sex trafficking are deplorable but the plight of the American child victim creates unique challenges for prosecutors, law enforcement and non-governmental agencies working hard to bring the crimes involved with domestic minor sex trafficking to the forefront. To that end, this commentary attempts to provide resources and guidance.

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Context: Information currently available on the trafficking of minors in the U.S. for commercial sexual exploitation includes approximations of the numbers involved, risk factors that increase the likelihood of victimization and methods of recruitment and control. However, specific characteristics about this vulnerable population remain largely unknown. Objective: This article has two distinct purposes. The first is to provide the reader with an overview of available information on minor sex trafficking in the U.S. The second is to present findings and discuss policy, research, and educational implications from secondary data analysis of 115 cases of minor sex trafficking in the U.S. Design: Minor sex trafficking cases were identified through two main venues - a review of U.S. Department of Justice press releases of human trafficking cases and an online search of media reports. Searches covered the time period from October 28, 2000, which coincided with the passage of the VTVPA through October 31, 2009. Cases were included in analysis if the incident involved at least one victim under the age of 18, occurred in the U.S., and at least one perpetrator had been arrested, indicted, or convicted. Results: A total of 115 separate incidents involving at least 153 victims were located. These occurrences involved 215 perpetrators, with the majority of them having been convicted (n = 117, 53.4%), The number of victims involved in a single incident ranged from 1 to 9. Over 90% of victims were female who ranged in age from 5 to 17 years. There were more U.S. minor victims than those from other countries. Victims had been in captivity from less than 6 months to 5 years. Minors most commonly fell into exploitation through some type of false promise indicated (16.3%, n = 25), followed by kidnapping (9.8%, n = 15). Over a fifth of the sample (22.2%, n = 34) were abused through two commercial sex practices, with almost all (94.1%, n = 144) used in prostitution. One of every five victims (24.8%, n = 38) had been advertised on an Internet website. Conclusions: Results of a review of known information about minor sex trafficking and findings from analysis of 115 incidents of the sex trafficking of youth in the U.S. indicate a need for stronger legislation to educate various professional groups, more comprehensive services for victims, stricter laws for pimps and traffickers, and preventive educational interventions beginning at a young age.

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The following commentary serves as a response to the article, “Sex Trafficking of Minors in the U.S.: Implications for Policy, Prevention and Research,” drawing the important, though not often mentioned, connection between the sex trafficking of minors and human rights. The commentary argues that child trafficking has been inadequately addressed due to its relative invisibility, a lack of knowledge about human rights, and a lack of discourse about the human rights issues involved in sexual trafficking. As such, in the current day, the recognition that women and girls who are sexually exploited by traffickers are victims has seemingly been forgotten. The commentator commends the authors of “Sex Trafficking of Minors in the U.S.: Implications for Policy, Prevention and Research” for their work to better understand the characteristics of minor sex trafficking victims, which will play an important role in fighting deadly misperceptions about the victims, educating others about this lethal human rights violation, and finding ways to care for those victims who are rescued.

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This book is one of a series on contemporary social issues. It provides a painstakingly researched analysis of the contemporary phenomenon of sex trafficking. As the author Kathryn Farr points out, the phenomenon is not all that contemporary, as women and children have historically been trafficked and enslaved for the purposes of prostitution, particularly during war: in World War II on the southern islands of Okinawa, the Philippines, Hawaii, Liberia, Japan, the Korean war, the Vietnam war, and more recently in Bosnia and Rwanda. Farr links the phenomenon to military socialization, especially to its patriarchal culture which celebrates hyper-masculinity, eroticizes violence, desensitizes soldiers to suffering and brutality and treats women as sex objects.

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This paper explores notions of harm in sex work discourse, highlighting the extent to which essentialist ideas of ‘good’ versus ‘bad’ sex have pervaded trafficking policy. In a comparative examination of Australian Parliamentary Inquiries and United States Congressional Hearings leading to the establishment of anti-trafficking policy, we identify the stories that have influenced legislators, and established a narrative of trafficking heavily dependent upon assumptions of the inherent harm of sex work. This narrative constructs a hierarchy of victimisation, which denies alternative discourses of why women migrate for sex work. We argue that it is not sexual commerce that is harmful, but pathological, systemic inequalities and entrenched disadvantage that are harmful. A narrow narrative of trafficking fails to adequately depict this complexity of the trafficked experience.

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This book offers a unique insight into the moral politics behind the making of human trafficking policy in Australia and the United States of America. As governments around the world rush to meet their international obligations to combat human trafficking, a heated debate has emerged over the rights, wrongs, and harms of prostitution, and its relationship to sex trafficking. The Politics of Sex Trafficking identifies and challenges intrinsic notions of moral harm that have pervaded trafficking discourse and resulted in a distinctly anti-prostitution agenda in trafficking policy in recent decades. Including rare interviews with key political actors, this book charts the competing perspectives of feminist, faith-based, and sex-worker activists, and their efforts to influence policy-makers. This critical account of the creation of anti-trafficking policy challenges the sex trafficking narrative dominant in US Congressional and Australian Parliamentary hearings, and demonstrates the power of a moral politics in shaping policy. This book will appeal to academics across the fields of criminology, criminal justice, law, human rights and gender studies, as well as policy-makers.

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The CHILDREN AT RISK documentaries “Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking” and “International Human Trafficking” draw attention to the dire consequences of our failure as a society to ensure that all children are raised with healthy experiences in safe and loving environments. It is our collective responsibility to put policies and services into place to prevent child prostitution from happening in the first place, while also providing treatment and care for the victims of prostitution. We must embed the prevention of child prostitution into a broader vision for healthy child development and encourage our national, state, and local policymakers to prioritize the development and implementation of a comprehensive and coordinated strategy for children.

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A digital story on (1) domestic minor sex trafficking and (2) international human trafficking.

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Debates over the legitimacy and legality of prostitution have characterised human trafficking discourse for the last two decades. This article identifies the extent to which competing perspectives concerning the legitimacy of prostitution have influenced anti-trafficking policy in Australia and the United States, and argues that each nation-state’s approach to domestic sex work has influenced trafficking legislation. The legal status of prostitution in each country, and feminist influences on prostitution law reform, have had a significant impact on the nature of the legislation adopted.

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Over the last decade, researchers and legislators have struggled to get an accurate picture of the scale and nature of the problem of human trafficking. In the absence of reliable data, some anti-prostitution activists have asserted that a causal relationship exists between legalised prostitution and human trafficking. They claim that systems of legalised or decriminalised prostitution lead to increases in trafficking into the sex industry. This paper critically analyses attempts to substantiate this claim during the development of anti-trafficking policy in Australia and the United States. These attempts are explored within the context of persistent challenges in measuring the scale and nature of human trafficking. The efforts of abolitionist campaigners to use statistical evidence and logical argumentation are analysed, with a specific focus on the characterisation of demand for sexual services and systems of legalised prostitution as ‘pull’ factors fuelling an increase in sex trafficking. The extent to which policymakers sought to introduce evidence-based policy is also explored.

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Public concern about the crime of human trafficking has dramatically risen over the last two decades. . This concern and panic has both spawned and been fuelled by an array of public awareness campaigns that aim to educate the public about this crime. Campaigns such as the Blue Blindfold Campaign in the UK, the UN-driven Blue Heart Campaign, and the worldwide Body Shop campaign have contributed to the public’s awareness and, to an extent, understanding of the phenomenon of human trafficking. This research explores these and other government and non-government campaigns aimed at raising public awareness of human trafficking. It questions the rationale, call to action and impact of these efforts, and analyses the depiction of trafficking victims in these campaigns. In particular, this research argues that some of these campaigns perpetuate an understanding of a hierarchy of victimisation of trafficking. A public focus on sex trafficking often results in the conflation of prostitution and trafficking, and renders invisible the male and female victims of trafficking for other forms of labour.

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When I was first invited to teach a women's studies course called Sex Trafficking in 2002, most of my students had never heard of the issue. Internet and literature searches for "trafficking" mostly turned up references to trafficking in drugs and weapons, not people. When I revised the course for a topical capstone in Criminology, Justice, and Policy Studies in 2006, all of my students had heard about human trafficking, and a handful had already studied it in other classes. The availability of books, films, scholarly articles, and advocacy pieces had all increased exponentially since I first became engaged in the field. This bounty provided a wealth of resources for teaching but also presented a greater challenge when it came to deciding which texts to include. It also added to the inevitable pedagogical angst over what to leave out. I came to know about trafficking by accident, when I was hired as a research assistant at The Protection Project (TPP) in 1999. In my time at TPP I authored a literature review on human trafficking. At that time, my comprehensive database of sources contained fewer than one hundred books and articles, a few UN documents, a handful of films, and some websites from nongovernmental organizations. My review of the literature inevitably reflected the ideological chasm between those who saw trafficking as primarily a labor, migration, and rights issue and those who saw it as primarily a sexual exploitation issue. On the policy end, these ideological orientations created bizarre bedfellows of individuals and organizations that otherwise would have been at odds. The ideological divide has not diminished in the intervening years, and it is important to be aware of and to negotiate this in designing a course on trafficking. As a feminist teacher, I was very aware of the divisions among feminists on the subject of trafficking, and was interested in communicating these differences to students who were not well versed in the varieties of feminist thought. I was also mindful of the difficulties my American students had in engaging with some of the course texts and issues the first time around. For some students, moral judgments about prostitutes were as far as they were able to go in engaging with the course. These students could not find a way in to think about the many issues involved in trafficking. How could I reach them? In this article, I share some of my texts and tactics with others who might find themselves in a position to teach about human trafficking. I include my case for why feminist teachers should teach trafficking, an overview of the debate that divides the field, my rationale for organizing the course the way that I did, issues to consider when designing a course on trafficking, and some suggested readings, films, and web resources.

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Sex-based comparisons of myofibrillar protein synthesis after resistance exercise in the fed state. J Appl Physiol 112: 1805-1813, 2012. First published March 1, 2012; doi:10.1152/japplphysiol.00170.2012.- We made sex-based comparisons of rates of myofibrillar protein synthesis (MPS) and anabolic signaling after a single bout of high-intensity resistance exercise. Eight men (20 ± 10 yr, BMI = 24.3 ± 2.4) and eight women (22 ± 1.8 yr, BMI = 23.0 ± 1.9) underwent primed constant infusions of L-[ring-13C6]phenylalanine on consecutive days with serial muscle biopsies. Biopsies were taken from the vastus lateralis at rest and 1, 3, 5, 24, 26, and 28 h after exercise. Twenty-five grams of whey protein was ingested immediately and 26 h after exercise. We also measured exercise-induced serum testosterone because it is purported to contribute to increases in myofibrillar protein synthesis (MPS) postexercise and its absence has been hypothesized to attenuate adaptative responses to resistance exercise in women. The exercise-induced area under the testosterone curve was 45-fold greater in men than women in the early (1 h) recovery period following exercise (P < 0.001). MPS was elevated similarly in men and women (2.3- and 2.7-fold, respectively) 1-5 h postexercise and after protein ingestion following 24 h recovery. Phosphorylation of mTORSer2448 was elevated to a greater extent in men than women acutely after exercise (P = 0.003), whereas increased phosphorylation of p70S6K1Thr389 was not different between sexes. Androgen receptor content was greater in men (main effect for sex, P = 0.049). Atrogin-1 mRNA abundance was decreased after 5 h recovery in both men and women (P < 0.001), and MuRF-1 expression was elevated in men after protein ingestion following 24 h recovery (P = 0.003). These results demonstrate minor sex-based differences in signaling responses and no difference in the MPS response to resistance exercise in the fed state. Interestingly, our data demonstrate that exerciseinduced increases in MPS are dissociated from postexercise testosteronemia and that stimulation of MPS occurs effectively with low systemic testosterone concentrations in women.

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Fifth annual Trafficking in Persons Report prepared by the Department of State and submitted to the U.S. Congress on foreign governments' efforts to eliminate severe forms of trafficking in persons.