990 resultados para military officers


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“Red coats and wild birds: military culture and ornithology across the nineteenth-century British Empire” investigates the intersections between British military culture and the practices and ideas of ornithology, with a particular focus on the British Mediterranean. Considering that British officers often occupied several imperial sites over the course of their military careers, to what extent did their movements shape their ornithological knowledge and identities at “home” and abroad? How did British military naturalists perceive different local cultures (with different attitudes to hunting, birds, field science, etc.) and different local natures (different sets of birds and environments)? How can trans-imperial careers be written using not only textual sources (for example, biographies and personal correspondence) but also traces of material culture? In answering these questions, I centre my work on the Mediterranean region as a “colonial sea” in the production of hybrid identities and cultural practices, and the mingling of people, ideas, commodities, and migratory birds. I focus on the life geographies of four military officers: Thomas Wright Blakiston, Andrew Leith Adams, L. Howard Lloyd Irby, and Philip Savile Grey Reid. By the mid-nineteenth century, the Mediterranean region emerged as a crucial site for the security of the British “empire route” to India and South Asia, especially with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. Military stations served as trans-imperial sites, connecting Britain to India through the flow of military manpower, commodities, information, and bodily experiences across the empire. By using a “critical historical geopolitics of empire” to examine the material remnants of the “avian imperial archive,” I demonstrate how the practices and performances of British military field ornithology helped to: materialize the British Mediterranean as a moral “semi-tropical” place for the physical and cultural acclimatization of British officers en route to and from India; reinforce imperial presence in the region; and make “visible in new ways” the connectivity of North Africa to Europe through the geographical distribution of birds. I also highlight the ways in which the production of ornithological knowledge by army officers was entwined with forms of temperate martial masculinity.

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My purpose is to present some reflections about my experience in interviewing Brazilian military officers. Despite the specificity of the Brazilian case, I trust that these observations may serve as a comparative reference for the study of military institutions in other contexts.

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Man sitting center, over number 1, identified as Edward D. Judd. Man sitting at right is George Mogk

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Why do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in politics and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of 'acute' international crises rather than its 'chronic' threat environment. Major international crises lead to professionalization and de-politicization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. International crises underscore the need for the military to defend the state and highlight military deficiencies in this regard. Accordingly, major international crises lead to military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years, and decades, later due to generational shifts in the officer corps. As the "Crisis Generation" of officers become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and de-politicization. They guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964-2008 and find strong support for the theory. Major international crises lead to two waves of military withdrawal from government, years apart. Further statistical analysis finds that this effect is most strongly felt in the non-security areas of governing, while in some cases, international crises may lead to militaries increasing their involvement in security policy-making. Further, international crises that end poorly for a state — i.e., defeats or stalemates — are found to drive more rapid waves of military withdrawal from government. The statistical analysis is supported by a case illustration of civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China, which demonstrates that the crisis of the Korean War (1950-53) led to two waves of military professionalization and de-politicization, decades apart. The first occurred immediately after the war. The second wave, occurring in the 1980s, involved wholesale military withdrawal from governing bodies, which was made possible by the ascent of the "Crisis Generation" of officers in the military, who had served as junior officers in the Korean War, decades prior.

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Rachel Diane Landy Papers consist of correspondence, reminiscences, legal documents, journal, newspaper and magazine articles and color Xerox copies of photographs as well as original photographs. This collection is of value to researchers studying the history of Hadassah and the living conditions and state of medical care in Palestine during the second decade of the 20th century. It is also of interest to researchers studying women in America during the first half of the 20th century who were able to pursue a challenging and productive career and become a leader and innovator in their chosen field. In addition it will be of interest to those researching the graduates of the Cleveland public and professional schools at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, and the Cleveland Jewish community and the George Crile U.S. Army Hospital in Cleveland during the 1940's.

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A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo geral analisar as representações sociais da hierarquia construídas pelos militares da FAB, considerando suas segmentações em termos dos círculos de oficiais e graduados, dos respectivos processos de formação, dos sexos de seus componentes e dos estágios, se formados ou em formação, em que se encontram. A fundamentação teórica discorre sobre a hierarquia, princípio geral das instituições militares, previsto por lei e regulador do comportamento militar, conforme prevê o Estatuto dos Militares (BRASIL, 1980); a respeito do poder, na perspectiva de Max Weber (1999) que trata a obediência, a partir da autoridade de uma pessoa sobre outras, e de acordo com Amitai Etzioni (1974), que entende o poder como a capacidade que uma pessoa tem de induzir outra a seguir suas orientações. Apresenta ainda a Teoria das Representações Sociais, proposta por Serge Moscovici (1961), para quem as representações sociais servem de instrumento de leitura da realidade, e a partir da abordagem estrutural, proposta por Jean-Claude Abric (1976), segundo a qual a representação social é composta pelo sistema central, constituído pelo núcleo central, e pelo sistema periférico, formado por elementos periféricos. A amostra foi composta por 600 militares, oriundos das escolas de formação de oficiais e de graduados, do âmbito do Comando da Aeronáutica (COMAER): Academia da Força Aérea (AFA), cuja finalidade é a formação dos Oficiais da Ativa dos quadros de Aviação, de Intendência e de Infantaria, a Escola de Especialistas da Aeronáutica (EEAR), responsável pela formação e pelo aperfeiçoamento dos graduados e o Centro de Instrução Especializada da Aeronáutica (CIEAR), responsável pela capacitação de oficiais e graduados em áreas afins à sua especialização. A coleta de dados foi realizada por meio da técnica de evocação livre ao termo indutor hierarquia, da aplicação do questionário de caracterização e do questionário geral, composto por questões abertas e fechadas. As evocações foram processadas pelo software EVOC, desenvolvido por Pierre Vergès (2005), as questões fechadas receberam o processamento com o auxílio do software SPSS e as questões abertas sofreram uma categorização para o refinamento das análises. Os resultados encontrados nas comparações do conteúdo temático e da estrutura das representações sociais entre os diferentes segmentos permitem afirmar que os temas respeito e disciplina são os prováveis elementos centrais da hierarquia para o conjunto dos 600 militares pesquisados e caracterizam a base comum e consensual compartilhada na caserna. A hierarquia, norteada por um conjunto de regras que regula e assegura a disciplina e o respeito, direciona o comportamento dos militares, durante a formação e no decorrer da carreira. Da análise, conclui-se que os diferentes segmentos de militares da FAB possuem a mesma representação social de hierarquia.

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Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.

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Estudo sobre o processo de formação de oficiais militares na Universidade Estadual do Maranhão. O Curso de Formação de Oficiais (CFO-PMMA) pertence à Universidade, fruto de um convênio entre UEMA e PMMA, pioneiro, no nordeste brasileiro, em aplicar os princípios dos direitos humanos e cidadania na sua matriz curricular, desde a década de 90. Mas, as aplicações destes conhecimentos nas práticas policiais são pouco evidentes. A estrutura curricular do curso prioriza as disciplinas específicas da PMMA, porém, o elenco das disciplinas da UEMA é mais restrito. Mesmo assim, há uma positividade da imagem dos oficiais egressos do curso – bacharéis em segurança pública. O método utilizado foi o indutivo, com abordagem qualitativa, aplicou-se entrevista semiestruturada junto aos informantes-chaves das instituições envolvidas. O resultado demonstrou a necessidade de uma reorientação do curso, a partir da restauração dialógica entre as instituições envolvidas, para sedimentar os princípios norteadores do curso, que é formar gestores do sistema de segurança pública, cidadãos capazes de atuarem na manutenção da ordem e enfrentamento de situações de conflitualidade.

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O presente trabalho apresenta uma análise do processo de formação das Associações dos policiais Militares do Estado do Pará, suas estratégias de lutas e a relação com o Governo Estadual. O objetivo é investigar os discursos que afirmam e negam os direitos coletivos aos Militares Estaduais e como lidam com a contradição em torno da ideia de cidadania, com base na caminhada do Clube de Cabos e Soldados da Polícia Militar do Pará (CCSPMPA). O esforço resgata as relações estabelecidas entre oficiais e praças, suas vivencias da caserna (dominação, hierarquia, disciplina,...) e suas respectivas percepções em relação aos direitos individuais, (des)respeito às leis vigentes, participações nos Movimentos Reivindicatórios e evolução em busca do direito de ter direitos; os resultados foram obtidos a partir da pesquisa de campo e do emprego da história oral; o corte temporal alcança o período de 1976/2012. Os resultados obtidos indicam que as Polícias Militares apresentam características de instituições totais, fechadas, petrificadas, de estrutura escalar e verticalizada, que funciona a partir de determinações dos mais para os menos graduados, onde os Policiais Militares são explorados, dominados pela hierarquia e disciplina rígidas e convivem sem nenhuma oportunidade de organização coletiva, sendo pois cidadãos não plenos; quanto aos movimentos reivindicatórios, percebe-se que expressam discordâncias entre a cidadania e o militarismo e que apesar da dominação os policiais militares tem vontade de participar, de direcionar seus próprios caminhos a partir da concepção coletiva. A ausência de direitos coletivos afasta essa categoria de servidores públicos do direito de ter direitos.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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INTRODUCTION: Task stressors typically refer to characteristics such as not having enough time or resources, ambiguous demands, or the like. We suggest the perceived lack of legitimacy as an additional feature of tasks as a source of stress. Tasks are “illegitimate” to the extent that it is perceived as improper to expect employees to execute them – not because of difficulties in executing them, but because of their content for a given person, time, and situation; they are illegitimate because a) they are not conforming to a specific occupational role, as in “non-nursing activities” (called unreasonable) or b) there is no legitimate need for them to exist (called unnecessary; Semmer et al., 2007). These features make illegitimate tasks a unique task-related stressor. The concept of illegitimate tasks grew from the “Stress-as-Offense-to-Self” theory (SOS; Semmer et al, 2007); it is conceptually related to role stress (Kahn et al., 1964; Beehr & Glazer, 2005) and the organizational justice tradition (Cropanzano et al., 2001; Greenberg, 2010). SOS argues that a threat to one’s self-image is at the core of many stressful experiences. Violating role expectations, illegitimate tasks can be regarded as a special case of role conflict. As roles shape identities, this violation is postulated to constitute a threat to one’s professional identity. Being assigned a task considered illegitimate is likely to be considered unfair. Lack of fairness, in turn, contains a message about one’s social standing, and thus, the self. However, the aspects discussed have not received much attention in the role stress or the justice/fairness tradition. OBJECTIVE: Illegitimate tasks are a rather recent concept that has to be established as a construct in its own right by showing that it is associated with well-being/strain while controlling for other stressors, most notably role conflict and lack of justice. The aim of the presentation is to present the evidence accumulated so far. METHODS AND RESULTS: We present several studies employing different designs, using different control variables, and testing associations with different criteria. Study 1 demonstrates associations of illegitimate tasks with self-esteem, feelings of resentment against one’s organization, and burnout, controlling for distributive justice, role conflict, and social stressors (i.e. tensions). Study 2 yielded comparable results, using the same outcome variables but controlling for distributive as well as procedural / interactional justice. Study 3 demonstrated associations between illegitimate tasks and feelings of stress, sleeping problems, and emotional exhaustion, controlling for demands, control, and social support among medical doctors. Study 4 showed that feeling appreciated by one’s superior acted as a mediator between illegitimate tasks and job satisfaction and resentments towards the military in Swiss military officers. Study 5 demonstrated an association of illegitimate tasks with counterproductive work behavior (Semmer et al. 2010). Studies 1 to 5 were cross-sectional. In Study 6, illegitimate demands predicted irritability and resentments towards one’s organization longitudinally. Study 7 also was longitudinal, focusing on intra-individual variation in multilevel modeling; occasion-specific illegitimate tasks predicted cortisol among those who judged their health as comparatively poor. Studies 1-3 and 6 used SEM, and measurement models that used unreasonable and unnecessary tasks as indicators (isolated parceling) yielded a good fit. IMPLICATIONS & CONCLUSIONS: These studies demonstrate that illegitimate tasks are a stressor in its own right that is worth studying. It illuminates the social meaning of job design, emphasizing the implications of tasks for the (professional) self, and thus combining aspects that are traditionally treated as separate, that is, social aspects and task characteristics. Practical implications are that supervisors and managers should be alerted to the social messages that may be contained in task assignments (cf. Semmer & Beehr, in press).

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Total war is a controversial term used in the past by politicians, publicists and military officers as well as by computer specialists and academics in the present. Since its conception by French politicians during the First World War in a time of severe crisis (1916/17), it has become a term used by historians and other academics to cover a wide array of elements when looking at wars of the past. A real total war was and is impossible. Elements of total war – total war aims, total methods of warfare, total mobilization and total control – can, however, be identified and can serve as a useful tool for further transnational research on war.