996 resultados para linguistic rights


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Egungo Europa 50 estatu inguruk osatzen dute eta bertan 700 milioitik gora pertsonak hitz egiten dituzten 200 hizkuntza baino gehiago daude. Geografikoki eremu nahiko mugatua eta txikia izan arren, oso anitza ere badela esan dezakegu. Hizkuntza alorrean dagoen aniztasun horren gainean Europan egin den kudeaketa azaltzen ahaleginduko naiz lan honen bitartez, horretarako Europan azken hamarkadetan aintzatetsitako hizkuntza eskubideak, horien eraentza eta horien baitan emandako jurisprudentzia azalduz.

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The subject-matter of this essay is gender justice in language which, as I argue, may be achieved through the development of a gender-related approach to linguistic human rights. The last decades of the 20th century, globally marked by a “gender shift” in attitudes to language policy, gave impetus to the social movement for promoting linguistic gender equality. It was initiated in Western Europe and nowadays is moving eastwards, as ideas of gender democracy progress into developing countries. But, while in western societies gender discrimination through language, or linguistic sexism, was an issue of concern for over three decades, in developing countries efforts to promote gender justice in language are only in their infancy. My argument is that to promote gender justice in language internationally it is necessary to acknowledge the rights of women and men to equal representation of their gender in language and speech and, therefore, raise a question of linguistic rights of the sexes. My understanding is that the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights in 1996 provided this opportunity to address the problem of gender justice in language as a human rights issue, specifically as a gender dimension of linguistic human rights.

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"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit"

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Cette recherche se construit autour d’un travail de terrain réalisé dans trois communautés autochtones quichuas vivant au nord de l’Équateur. Il prétend étudier l’incidence que devrait avoir la diversité culturelle et linguistique dans les politiques éducatives en milieu plurilingue et multiculturel. En Amérique hispanique, l’éducation des peuples autochtones n’a jamais été très attentive à leurs besoins spécifiques en ce qui a trait à l’apprentissage de l’espagnol comme langue seconde. En effet, les motivations des apprenants, plus instrumentales qu’intégratives, prouvent que les autochtones apprennent la langue espagnole presqu’exclusivement pour communiquer, sans vraiment être intéressés au groupe natif de cette langue. De plus, notre recherche sur le terrain avec les apprenants du peuple Otavalo nous a démontré que leur très forte identification ethnique influence l’acquisition de l’espagnol. D’une part, ils sont plus enclins à se distinguer des autres, spécialement des hispano parlants, et de l’autre, ils réussissent plus difficilement à atteindre une compétence élevée dans la langue seconde. Notre recherche conclut donc que l’éducation, qu’elle soit issue du système national ou bilingue, devrait davantage prendre en considération l’identité ethnolinguistique des nombreux enfants indigènes, afin de ne pas préjudicier leurs droits. Ceci permettrait de favoriser un apprentissage positif et significatif de l’espagnol comme langue seconde ou langue maternelle, mais tout en consolidant l’identité autochtone des apprenants.

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This paper examines the use of the Disability Discrimination Act (Commonwealth of Australia, 1992) by parents seeking access for their deaf children to native sign language in the classroom. It reviews a number of cases in which Australian parents have claimed indirect discrimination by educational authorities over their children's lack of access to instruction through Australian Sign Language (Auslan) and discusses the outcomes of such litigation. The policies endorsed by deafness organizations are contrasted with those of state educational authorities. The author discusses the limitations of a complaints-based system to address systemic discrimination and suggests the need for legislation to protect the linguistic rights of deaf children.

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Le frioulan est une langue régionale appartenant au groupe linguistique rhéto-roman, diffusée dans la région historique du Frioul. Sa diffusion, le nombre de ses locuteurs, son histoire, le prestige de sa littérature et le statut de région autonome du Frioul-Vénétie julienne font que cette langue est encore pratiquée par de larges pans de la population. Cependant, des études sociolinguistiques entamées dès 1977 estiment à 1 % la perte annuelle en nombre de locuteurs. Pour contribuer à photographier la donne actuelle et éventuellement formuler des propositions pour contrecarrer cette dérive, nous illustrons dans cet article les résultats d’une récente enquête de terrain concernant les représentations sociales de la langue et de l’identité frioulanes auprès d’une population d’étudiants de 14 à 18 ans. Cette enquête a suivi la méthodologie de l’analyse combinée.

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The Swedish-speaking minority in Finland, often described as an ‘elite minority’, holds a special position in the country. With linguistic rights protected by the constitution of Finland, Swedish-speakers, as a minority of only 5.3%, are often described in public discourse and in academic and statistical studies as happier, healthier and more well off economically than the Finnish-speaking majority. As such, the minority is a unique example of language minorities in Europe. Knowledge derived from qualitatively grounded studies on the topic is however lacking, meaning that there is a gap in understanding of the nature and complexity of the minority. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in four different locations in Finland over a period of 12 months, this thesis provides a theoretically grounded and empirically informed rich account of the identifications and sites of belonging of this diverse minority. The thesis makes a contribution to theoretical, methodological and empirical research on the Swedish-speaking minority, debates around identity and belonging, and ethnographic methodological approaches. Making use of novel methodology in studying Swedish-speaking Finns, this thesis moves beyond generalisations and simplifications on its nature and character. Drawing on rich ethnographic empirical material, the thesis interrogates various aspects of the lived experience of Swedish-speaking Finns by combining the concepts of belonging and identification. Some of the issues explored are the way in which belonging can be regionally specific, how Swedish-speakers create Swedish-spaces, how language use is situational and variable and acts as a marker of identity, and finally how identifications and sites of belonging among the minority are extremely varied and complex. The thesis concludes that there are various sites of belonging and identification available to Swedish-speakers, and these need to be studied and considered in order to gain an accurate picture of the lived experience of the minority. It also argues that while identifications are based on collective imagery, this imagery can vary among Swedish-speakers and identifications are multiple and situational. Finally, while language is a key commonality for the minority, the meanings attached to it are not only concerned with ‘Finland Swedishness’, but connected to various other factors, such as the context a person grew up in and the region one lives in. The complex issues affecting the lived experience of Swedish-speaking Finns cannot be understood without the contribution of findings from qualitative research. This thesis therefore points towards a new kind of understanding of Swedish-speaking Finns, moving away from stereotypes and simplifications, shifting our gaze towards a richer perception of the minority.

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This paper draws on ethnographic case-study research conducted amongst a group of first and second generation immigrant children in six inner-city schools in London. It focuses on language attitudes and language choice in relation to cultural maintenance, on the one hand, and career aspirations on the other. It seeks to provide insight into some of the experiences and dilemmatic choices encountered and negotiations engaged in by transmigratory groups, how they define cultural capital, and the processes through which new meanings are shaped as part of the process of defining a space within the host society. Underlying this discussion is the assumption that alternative cultural spaces in which multiple identities and possibilities can be articulated already exist in the rich texture of everyday life amongst transmigratory groups. The argument that whilst the acquisition of 'world languages' is a key variable in accumulating cultural capital, the maintenance of linguistic diversity retains potent symbolic power in sustaining cohesive identities is a recurring theme.

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Consociations are power-sharing arrangements, increasingly used to manage ethno-nationalist, ethno-linguistic, and ethno-religious conflicts. Current examples include Belgium, Bosnia, Northern Ireland, Burundi, and Iraq. Despite their growing popularity, they have begun to be challenged before human rights courts as being incompatible with human rights norms, particularly equality and non-discrimination.

Courts and Consociations examines the use of power-sharing agreements, their legitimacy, and their compatibility with human rights law. Key questions include to what extent, if any, consociations conflict with the liberal individualist preferences of international human rights institutions, and to what extent consociational power-sharing may be justified to preserve peace and the integrity of political settlements.

In three critical cases, the European Court of Human Rights has considered equality challenges to important consociational practices, twice in Belgium and then in Sejdic and Finci v Bosnia regarding the constitution established for Bosnia Herzegovina under the Dayton Agreement. The Court's decision in Sejdic and Finci has significantly altered the approach it previously took to judicial review of consociational arrangements in Belgium. This book accounts for this change and assess its implications. The problematic aspects of the current state of law are demonstrated. Future negotiators in places riven by potential or actual bloody ethnic conflicts may now have less flexibility in reaching a workable settlement, which may unintentionally contribute to sustaining such conflicts and make it more likely that negotiators will consider excluding regional and international courts from reviewing these political settlements.

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We consider the use of consociational arrangements to manage ethno-nationalist, ethno-linguistic, and ethno-religious conflicts, and their compatibility with non-discrimination and equality norms. Key questions include to what extent, if any, consociations conflict with the dictates of global justice and the liberal individualist preferences of international human rights institutions, and to what extent consociational power-sharing may be justified to preserve peace and the integrity of political settlements. In three critical cases, the European Court of Human Rights has considered equality challenges to important consociational practices, twice in Belgium and, most recently, in Sejdic and Finci, concerning the constitutional arrangements established for Bosnia Herzegovina under the Dayton Agreement. The Court’s recent decision in Sejdic and Finci has significantly altered the approach it previously took to judicial review of consociational arrangements in the Belgian cases. We seek to account for this change and assess its implications. We identify problematic aspects of the judgment and conclude that, although the Court’s decision indicates one possible trajectory of human rights courts’ reactions to consociations, this would be an unfortunate development because it leaves future negotiators in places riven by potential or manifest bloody ethnic conflicts with considerably less flexibility in reaching a settlement. That in turn may unintentionally contribute to sustaining such conflicts and make it more likely that advisors to negotiators will advise them to exclude regional and international courts from having standing in the management of political settlements.

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This thesis entitled “ Educational rights of the minorities under article 30 of the indian constitution.The study is divided into nine chapters.The object of the present study is to explore whether the judiciary has been successful in balancing the conflicting rights of the minorities and the state. The study also seeks to bring forth those judicial principles which have governed the operation of these rights and determined the limits of their application. Article 30 confers a special right on minorities to establish educational institutions of their own choice.This is an expression of the liberal and tolerent culture of our nation which is reflected in the Constitution. The idea is to foster unity' in diversity, ea unique characteristic of the Indian way of life.This study suggested that where a minority is a minority’ in the historical or national context and its claim is based on religion it must be defined and ascertained in terms of the population of the whole country irrespective of its being a numerical majority' in any particular State and the minority status. of linguistic group has to be ascertained in terms of the population of any particular State irrespective of its being a numerical minority in terms of the population of the whole country.A religious denomination also can be treated as a religion within the meaning of Article 30(1) provided it is having a separate organisation with doctrines and tenets and rites and practices of its own.

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Education and ethnicity cannot be discussed without taking language into account. This paper will argue that any discussion of ethnic minorities cannot ignore the question of language, nor can any discussion of human rights ignore the question of language rights. Unfortunately, in today's globalised world, governments and minorities are faced with conflicting pressures: on the one hand, for the development and use of education in a global/international language; on the other for the use and development of mother tongue, local or indigenous languages in education. Language complexity and ethnic plurality were largely brought about as a result of the creation of nation-states, which were spread around the world as a result of European colonialism. European languages and formal education systems were used as a means of political and economic control. The legacy that was left by the colonial powers has complicated ethnic relations and has frequently led to conflict. While there is now greater recognition of the importance of language both for economic and educational development, as well as for human rights, the forces of globalisation are leading towards uniformity in the languages used, in culture and even in education. They are working against the development of language rights for smaller groups. We are witnessing a sharp decline in the number of languages spoken. Only those languages which are numerically, economically and politically strong are likely to survive. As a result many linguistic and ethnic groups are in danger of being further marginalised. This paper will illustrate this thesis both historically and from several contemporary societies, showing how certain policies have exacerbated ethnic conflict while others are seeking to promote harmony and reconciliation. Why this should be so will be explored. (c) 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.