‘Souvenirs, souvenirs': the role of memory in the work of Annie Saumont

The work of nouvelliste Annie Saumont constantly explores the phenomenon of memory, and of memories. This article identifies and nuances the various forms that this exploration takes. An introductory contextualization of author and theme is followed by the presentation of a short story, ‘Méandres’, which embodies the first quality of memory to be examined: its capacity not only to recall but also to re-evaluate a past which is thus shown to be as hypothetical as the future. Memory as guilt that moulds or puts its indelible stamp on lives is then evoked by means of examples from other stories, illustrating the gradations Saumont achieves in her investigation of the power of this complex faculty. The next section turns to her portrayal of involuntary memory. Unlike for Proust, the instances of spontaneous remembering that are experienced by her characters lunge at them down the years almost exclusively to wound or disorientate. Depictions of the memory which conserves, and is thus burdened by, secrets are then considered, and finally Saumont's evocation of characters who have different reasons to analyse the way their own and other people's memories work. The conclusion to be drawn is that for Saumont, we are our memories; the ability to master a ‘judicious interpretation’ of memory – or indeed, to forget – is, in her stories, overwhelmingly a quality to be envied.

The Neural Basis of Involuntary Episodic Memories

Involuntary episodic memories are memories that come into consciousness without preceding retrieval effort. These memories are commonplace and are relevant to multiple mental disorders. However, they are vastly understudied. We use a novel paradigm to elicit involuntary memories in the laboratory so that we can study their neural basis. In session one, an encoding session, sounds are presented with picture pairs or alone. In session two, in the scanner, sounds-picture pairs and unpaired sounds are reencoded. Immediately following, participants are split into two groups: a voluntary and an involuntary group. Both groups perform a sound localization task in which they hear the sounds and indicate the side from which they are coming. The voluntary group additionally tries to remember the pictures that were paired with the sounds. Looking at neural activity, we find a main effect of condition (paired vs. unpaired sounds) showing similar activity in both groups for voluntary and involuntary memories in regions typically associated with retrieval. There is also a main effect of group (voluntary vs. involuntary) in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, a region typically associated with cognitive control. Turning to connectivity similarities and differences between groups again, there is a main effect of condition showing paired > unpaired sounds are associated with a recollection network. In addition, three group differences were found: (1) increased connectivity between the pulvinar nucleus of the thalamus and the recollection network for the voluntary group, (2) a higher association between the voluntary group and a network that includes regions typically found in frontoparietal and cingulo-opercular networks, and (3) shorter path length for about half of the nodes in these networks for the voluntary group. Finally, we use the same paradigm to compare involuntary memories in people with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) to trauma-controls. This study also included the addition of emotional pictures. There were two main findings. (1) A similar pattern of activity was found for paired > unpaired sounds for both groups but this activity was delayed in the PTSD group. (2) A similar pattern of activity was found for high > low emotion stimuli but it occurred early in the PTSD group compared to the control group. Our results suggest that involuntary and voluntary memories share the same neural representation but that voluntary memories are associated with additional cognitive control processes. They also suggest that disorders associated with cognitive deficits, like PTSD, can affect the processing of involuntary memories.

Sourdough & other stories : a story told in parts (a mosaic novel and exegesis)

The mosaic novel - with its independent 'story-tiles' linking together to form a complete narrative - has the potential to act as a reflection on the periodic resurfacing of unconscious memories in the conscious lives of fictional characters. This project is an exploration of the mosaic text as a fictional analogue of involuntary memory. These concepts are investigated as they appear in traditional fairy tales and engaged with in this thesis's creative component, Sourdough and Other Stories (approximately 80,000 words), a mosaic novel comprising sixteen interconnected 'story-tiles'. Traditional fairy tales are non-reflective and conducive to forgetting (i.e. anti-memory); fairy tale characters are frequently portrayed as psychologically two-dimensional, in that there is no examination of the mental and emotional distress caused when children are stolen/ abandoned/ lost and when adults are exiled. Sourdough and Other Stories is a creative examination of, and attempted to remedy, this lack of psychological depth. This creative work is at once something more than a short story collection, and something that is not a traditional novel, but instead a culmination of two modes of writing. It employs the fairy tale form to explore James' 'thorns in the spirit' (1898, p.199) in fiction; the anxiety caused by separation from familial and community groups. The exegesis, A Story Told in Parts - Sourdough and Other Stories is a critical essay (approximately 20,000 words in length), a companion piece to the mosaic novel, which analyses how my research question proceeded from my creative work, and considers the theoretical underpinnings of the creative work and how it enacts the research question: 'Can a writer use the structural possibilities of the mosaic text to create a fictional work that is an analogue of an involuntary memory?' The cumulative effect of the creative and exegetical works should be that of a dialogue between the two components - each text informing the other and providing alternate but complementary lenses with which to view the research question.

A representação da metamemória no romance brasileiro: um olhar sobre Olho de rei, de Edgard Telles Ribeiro, e Leite derramado, de Chico Buarque

Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS

O desenvolvimento da memória na educação infantil: contribuições da Psicologia histórico-cultural para o ensino de crianças de 4 e 5 anos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A poetics of Marcel Proust's vocation

The view is upheld that it is possible to constitute a conception of artistic vocation from fiction itself with characteristics that may be extended to other vocational fields. "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" by Marcel Proust is made use of to exemplify how this author reflects critically on his own work and on the artist's conditions. Thus he points out the importance of randomness, childhood, Materializing into a work an adequate conception of his own artistic work, involuntary memory, the life that has been lived, and his own comprehension of art, the force of conviction, Vocation is a call that overcomes the dichotomy between innate gift and social product as it is the result of a genesis of sensory impressions and involuntary memories that, although they are fugacious, they become fixed in the literary work. It is explained how "A la Recherche " both can and cannot be considered the history of a vocation, as literature had not played any role at all in the novelistic hero's life, but, however, it really was a history of a vocation since the work was a consequence of events that had been lived. Notwithstanding, even if vocation had never been deemed so important, he must win a battle against death. Genette sums up "A la Recherche " thus: "Marcel becomes a writer".

A poetics of Marcel Proust's vocation

The view is upheld that it is possible to constitute a conception of artistic vocation from fiction itself with characteristics that may be extended to other vocational fields. "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" by Marcel Proust is made use of to exemplify how this author reflects critically on his own work and on the artist's conditions. Thus he points out the importance of randomness, childhood, Materializing into a work an adequate conception of his own artistic work, involuntary memory, the life that has been lived, and his own comprehension of art, the force of conviction, Vocation is a call that overcomes the dichotomy between innate gift and social product as it is the result of a genesis of sensory impressions and involuntary memories that, although they are fugacious, they become fixed in the literary work. It is explained how "A la Recherche " both can and cannot be considered the history of a vocation, as literature had not played any role at all in the novelistic hero's life, but, however, it really was a history of a vocation since the work was a consequence of events that had been lived. Notwithstanding, even if vocation had never been deemed so important, he must win a battle against death. Genette sums up "A la Recherche " thus: "Marcel becomes a writer".

A poetics of Marcel Proust's vocation

The view is upheld that it is possible to constitute a conception of artistic vocation from fiction itself with characteristics that may be extended to other vocational fields. "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" by Marcel Proust is made use of to exemplify how this author reflects critically on his own work and on the artist's conditions. Thus he points out the importance of randomness, childhood, Materializing into a work an adequate conception of his own artistic work, involuntary memory, the life that has been lived, and his own comprehension of art, the force of conviction, Vocation is a call that overcomes the dichotomy between innate gift and social product as it is the result of a genesis of sensory impressions and involuntary memories that, although they are fugacious, they become fixed in the literary work. It is explained how "A la Recherche " both can and cannot be considered the history of a vocation, as literature had not played any role at all in the novelistic hero's life, but, however, it really was a history of a vocation since the work was a consequence of events that had been lived. Notwithstanding, even if vocation had never been deemed so important, he must win a battle against death. Genette sums up "A la Recherche " thus: "Marcel becomes a writer".

Imagerie Musicale Involontaire : caractéristiques phénoménologiques et mnésiques

L’imagerie musicale involontaire (IMIN) est un phénomène mental extrêmement commun. Il peut être défini en tant que type d’imagerie mentale musicale qui devient consciente sans effort ou intentionnalité et qui n’est pas pathologique. La forme la plus connue d’IMIN est le « ver d’oreille », qui se présente généralement comme un court extrait musical tournant en boucle en tête et dont on se débarrasse difficilement. L’objectif principal de la présente thèse est d’investiguer les mécanismes cognitifs sous-tendant le phénomène puisque, malgré l’intérêt répandu dans les médias populaires, son étude expérimentale est récente et un modèle intégré n’a pas encore été proposé. Dans la première étude, l’induction expérimentale a été tentée et les caractéristiques des images mentales d’épisodes d’IMIN ont été investiguées. Dans le laboratoire, des chansons accrocheuses (versus des proverbes) ont été présentées répétitivement aux participants qui devaient ensuite les chanter le plus fidèlement possible. Ils ont par après quitté le laboratoire, une enregistreuse numérique en mains, avec la consigne d’enregistrer une reproduction vocale la plus fidèle possible de ce qu’ils avaient en tête lors de tous leurs épisodes d’IMIN sur une période de quatre jours, ainsi que de décrire leur timbre. L’expérience a été répétée deux semaines plus tard. Douze des dix-huit participants du groupe expérimental ont rapporté des pièces induites comme épisodes d’IMIN, ce qui confirme l’efficacité de la procédure d’induction. La tonalité et le tempo des productions ont ensuite été analysés et comparés à ceux des pièces originales. Similairement pour les épisodes d’IMIN induits et les autres, les tempi produits et, dans une moindre mesure pour les non-musiciens, les tonalités étaient proches des originaux. Le timbre décrit était généralement une version simplifiée de l’original (un instrument et/ou une voix). Trois études se sont ensuite intéressées au lien entre le potentiel d’IMIN et la mémorabilité. Dans une étude préliminaire, 150 chansons du palmarès francophone radiophonique ont été évaluées en ligne par 164 participants, sur leur niveau de familiarité, d’appréciation et de potentiel d’IMIN. Les pièces ont ensuite été divisées en groupes de stimuli à faible et à fort potentiel d’IMIN, qui ont été utilisés dans une tâche typique de rappel libre/reconnaissance, premièrement avec des francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient familières) et ensuite avec des non-francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient non-familières). Globalement, les pièces à fort potentiel d’IMIN étaient mieux rappelées et reconnues que les pièces à faible potentiel. Une dernière étude a investigué l’impact de la variabilité inter-stimulus du timbre sur les résultats précédents, en demandant à une chanteuse d’enregistrer les lignes vocales des pièces et en répétant l’expérience avec ces nouveaux stimuli. La différence précédemment observée entre les stimuli à fort et à faible potentiel d’IMIN dans la tâche de reconnaissance a ainsi disparu, ce qui suggère que le timbre est une caractéristique importante pour le potentiel d’IMIN. En guise de conclusion, nous suggérons que les phénomènes mentaux et les mécanismes cognitifs jouant un rôle dans les autres types de souvenirs involontaires peuvent aussi s’appliquer à l’IMIN. Dépendamment du contexte, la récupération mnésique des pièces peut résulter de la répétition en mémoire à court terme, de l’amorçage à court et long terme ou de l’indiçage provenant de stimuli dans l’environnement ou les pensées. Une des plus importantes différences observables entre l’IMIN et les autres souvenirs involontaires est la répétition. Nous proposons que la nature même de la musique, qui est définie par la répétition à un niveau micro- et macro-structurel en est responsable.

Imagerie Musicale Involontaire : caractéristiques phénoménologiques et mnésiques

L’imagerie musicale involontaire (IMIN) est un phénomène mental extrêmement commun. Il peut être défini en tant que type d’imagerie mentale musicale qui devient consciente sans effort ou intentionnalité et qui n’est pas pathologique. La forme la plus connue d’IMIN est le « ver d’oreille », qui se présente généralement comme un court extrait musical tournant en boucle en tête et dont on se débarrasse difficilement. L’objectif principal de la présente thèse est d’investiguer les mécanismes cognitifs sous-tendant le phénomène puisque, malgré l’intérêt répandu dans les médias populaires, son étude expérimentale est récente et un modèle intégré n’a pas encore été proposé. Dans la première étude, l’induction expérimentale a été tentée et les caractéristiques des images mentales d’épisodes d’IMIN ont été investiguées. Dans le laboratoire, des chansons accrocheuses (versus des proverbes) ont été présentées répétitivement aux participants qui devaient ensuite les chanter le plus fidèlement possible. Ils ont par après quitté le laboratoire, une enregistreuse numérique en mains, avec la consigne d’enregistrer une reproduction vocale la plus fidèle possible de ce qu’ils avaient en tête lors de tous leurs épisodes d’IMIN sur une période de quatre jours, ainsi que de décrire leur timbre. L’expérience a été répétée deux semaines plus tard. Douze des dix-huit participants du groupe expérimental ont rapporté des pièces induites comme épisodes d’IMIN, ce qui confirme l’efficacité de la procédure d’induction. La tonalité et le tempo des productions ont ensuite été analysés et comparés à ceux des pièces originales. Similairement pour les épisodes d’IMIN induits et les autres, les tempi produits et, dans une moindre mesure pour les non-musiciens, les tonalités étaient proches des originaux. Le timbre décrit était généralement une version simplifiée de l’original (un instrument et/ou une voix). Trois études se sont ensuite intéressées au lien entre le potentiel d’IMIN et la mémorabilité. Dans une étude préliminaire, 150 chansons du palmarès francophone radiophonique ont été évaluées en ligne par 164 participants, sur leur niveau de familiarité, d’appréciation et de potentiel d’IMIN. Les pièces ont ensuite été divisées en groupes de stimuli à faible et à fort potentiel d’IMIN, qui ont été utilisés dans une tâche typique de rappel libre/reconnaissance, premièrement avec des francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient familières) et ensuite avec des non-francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient non-familières). Globalement, les pièces à fort potentiel d’IMIN étaient mieux rappelées et reconnues que les pièces à faible potentiel. Une dernière étude a investigué l’impact de la variabilité inter-stimulus du timbre sur les résultats précédents, en demandant à une chanteuse d’enregistrer les lignes vocales des pièces et en répétant l’expérience avec ces nouveaux stimuli. La différence précédemment observée entre les stimuli à fort et à faible potentiel d’IMIN dans la tâche de reconnaissance a ainsi disparu, ce qui suggère que le timbre est une caractéristique importante pour le potentiel d’IMIN. En guise de conclusion, nous suggérons que les phénomènes mentaux et les mécanismes cognitifs jouant un rôle dans les autres types de souvenirs involontaires peuvent aussi s’appliquer à l’IMIN. Dépendamment du contexte, la récupération mnésique des pièces peut résulter de la répétition en mémoire à court terme, de l’amorçage à court et long terme ou de l’indiçage provenant de stimuli dans l’environnement ou les pensées. Une des plus importantes différences observables entre l’IMIN et les autres souvenirs involontaires est la répétition. Nous proposons que la nature même de la musique, qui est définie par la répétition à un niveau micro- et macro-structurel en est responsable.

Memory in posttraumatic stress disorder: properties of voluntary and involuntary, traumatic and nontraumatic autobiographical memories in people with and without posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms.

One hundred fifteen undergraduates rated 15 word-cued memories and their 3 most negatively stressful, 3 most positive, and 7 most important events and completed tests of personality and depression. Eighty-nine also recorded involuntary memories online for 1 week. In the first 3-way comparisons needed to test existing theories, comparisons were made of memories of stressful events versus control events and involuntary versus voluntary memories in people high versus low in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptom severity. For all participants, stressful memories had more emotional intensity, more frequent voluntary and involuntary retrieval, but not more fragmentation. For all memories, participants with greater PTSD symptom severity showed the same differences. Involuntary memories had more emotional intensity and less centrality to the life story than voluntary memories. Meeting the diagnostic criteria for traumatic events had no effect, but the emotional responses to events did. In 533 undergraduates, correlations among measures were replicated and the Negative Intensity factor of the Affect Intensity Measure correlated with PTSD symptom severity. No special trauma mechanisms were needed to account for the results, which are summarized by the autobiographical memory theory of PTSD.

Autobiographical memory for stressful events: the role of autobiographical memory in posttraumatic stress disorder.

To provide the three-way comparisons needed to test existing theories, we compared (1) most-stressful memories to other memories and (2) involuntary to voluntary memories (3) in 75 community dwelling adults with and 42 without a current diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Each rated their three most-stressful, three most-positive, seven most-important and 15 word-cued autobiographical memories, and completed tests of personality and mood. Involuntary memories were then recorded and rated as they occurred for 2 weeks. Standard mechanisms of cognition and affect applied to extreme events accounted for the properties of stressful memories. Involuntary memories had greater emotional intensity than voluntary memories, but were not more frequently related to traumatic events. The emotional intensity, rehearsal, and centrality to the life story of both voluntary and involuntary memories, rather than incoherence of voluntary traumatic memories and enhanced availability of involuntary traumatic memories, were the properties of autobiographical memories associated with PTSD.

The frequency of voluntary and involuntary autobiographical memories across the life span.

In the present study, ratings of the memory of an important event from the previous week on the frequency of voluntary and involuntary retrieval, belief in its accuracy, visual imagery, auditory imagery, setting, emotional intensity, valence, narrative coherence, and centrality to the life story were obtained from 988 adults whose ages ranged from 15 to over 90. Another 992 adults provided the same ratings for a memory from their confirmation day, when they were at about age 14. The frequencies of involuntary and voluntary retrieval were similar. Both frequencies were predicted by emotional intensity and centrality to the life story. The results from the present study-which is the first to measure the frequency of voluntary and involuntary retrieval for the same events-are counter to both cognitive and clinical theories, which consistently claim that involuntary memories are infrequent as compared with voluntary memories. Age and gender differences are noted.

The reappearance hypothesis revisited: recurrent involuntary memories after traumatic events and in everyday life.

Recurrent involuntary memories are autobiographical memories that come to mind with no preceding retrieval attempt and that are subjectively experienced as being repetitive. Clinically, they are classified as a symptom of posttraumatic stress disorder. The present work is the first to systematically examine recurrent involuntary memories outside clinical settings. Study 1 examines recurrent involuntary memories among survivors of the tsunami catastrophe in Southeast Asia in 2004. Study 2 examines recurrent involuntary memories in a large general population. Study 3 examines whether the contents of recurrent involuntary memories recorded in a diary study are duplicates of, or differ from, one another. We show that recurrent involuntary memories are not limited to clinical populations or to emotionally negative experiences; that they typically do not come to mind in a fixed and unchangeable form; and that they show the same pattern regarding accessibility as do autobiographical memories in general. We argue that recurrent involuntary memories after traumas and in everyday life can be explained in terms of general and well-established mechanisms of autobiographical memory.