937 resultados para intimate partner homicide


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Intimate partner homicides are fatal violent attacks perpetrated by intimate partners, and are often the extreme and unplanned consequence of abusive relationships. Although recognised as an important risk factor for death and disability among women, previous country-level assessments and the recent Global Burden of Disease Study 2010 (GBD 2010)4 have not considered the extent of intimate partner violence among male victims...

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The thesis aimed to explore the Victorian Community's attitudes towards intimate partner homicide committed in the context of jealousy and domestic violence. Results revealed that the immediacy of the accused's actions, the gender of the accused, and the gender of the participant interacted to influence participants' verdict and blame responses. The portfolio explored the complexities and challenges that face mental health professionals in deciding the appropriate weighting of child's wishes in child protection assessments. The four case studies presented were chosen due to the attention that was paid to the child's wishes throughout the assessments.

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This report reviews 51 cases of intimate partner homicide by men in Victoria, from 2005-2014, to investigate how family violence is recognised in homicide prosecutions. Research and death reviews in Australia and overseas have found that systemic failures in legal responses to family violence contribute to intimate partner homicides. In 2010, Domestic Violence Resource Centre Victoria and Monash University began a project to explore the impact of the 2005 homicide law reforms on intimate partner homicides. The first phase of the project examined cases of women who killed their intimate partners, focusing on whether the reforms had improved the recognition of family violence victimisation as a factor. This report presents findings from the second phase, which examines legal responses to men who have killed in the context of sexual intimacy. In analysing the cases, it looks at key contextual factors, legal outcomes, family violence risk factors, how prior family violence is understood and discussed by legal professionals, how evidence of prior family violence is used by the prosecution and whether it is admitted as evidence, the types of arguments and narratives made in defence of the accused, the recognition of family violence through the sentencing process, and the use of provocation as a mitigating factor.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is not only a problem for heterosexual couples. Although research in the area is beset by methodological and definitional problems, studies generally demonstrate that IPV also affects those who identify as non-heterosexual; that is, those sexualities that are typically categorized as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex (LGBTI). IPV appears to be at least as prevalent in LGBTI relationships as it is in heterosexual couples, and follows similar patterns (e.g. Australian Research Centre on Sex, Health and Society 2006; Donovan et al. 2006; Chan 2005; Craft and Serovich 2005; Burke et al. 2002; Jeffries and Ball 2008; Kelly and Warshafsky 1987; Letellier 1994; Turrell 2000; Ristock 2003; Vickers 1996). There is, however, little in the way of specific community or social services support available to either victims or perpetrators of violence in same-sex relationships (see Vickers 1996). In addition, there are important differences in the experience of IPV between LGBTI and non-LGBTI victims, and even among LGBTI individuals; for example, among transgender populations (Chan 2005), and those who are HIV sero-positive (Craft and Serovich 2005). These different experiences of IPV include the use of HIV and the threat of “outing” a partner as tools of control, as just two examples (Jeffries and Ball 2008; Salyer 1999; WA Government 2008b). Such differences impact on how LGBTI victims respond to the violence, including whether or not and how they seek help, what services they are able to avail themselves of, and how likely they are to remain with, or return to, their violent partners (Burke et al. 2002). This chapter explores the prevalent heteronormative discourses that surround IPV, both within the academic literature, and in general social and government discourses. It seeks to understand how same-sex IPV remains largely invisible, and suggests that these dominant discourses play a major role in maintaining this invisibility. In many respects, it builds on work by a number of scholars who have begun to interrogate the criminal justice and social discourses surrounding violent crime, primarily sexual violence, and who problematize these discourses (see for example Carmody 2003; Carmody and Carrington 2000; Marcus 1992). It will begin by outlining these dominant discourses, and then problematize these by identifying some of the important differences between LGBTI IPV and IPV in heterosexual relationships. In doing so, this chapter will suggest some possible reasons for the silence regarding IPV in LGBTI relationships, and the effects that this can have on victims. Although an equally important area of research, and another point at which the limitations of dominant social discourses surrounding IPV can be brought to light, this chapter will not examine violence experienced by heterosexual men at the hands of their intimate female partners. Instead, it will restrict itself to IPV perpetrated within same-sex relationships.

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Intimate partner abuse and control is one of the most common forms of violence against women, and is considered an international problem of social, political, legal and human rights significance. Yet few studies have attempted to understand this problem from the perspective of male perpetrators. This gap is addressed by conducting in-depth interviews with 16 able-bodied men of white European ancestry born and educated in New Zealand or Australia, who have been physically violent and/or emotionally, intellectually, sexually or financially controlling of a live-in female partner. This thesis extends and deepens the dominant ways of thinking about men’s intimate partner abuse by utilising a new theoretical framework compatible with contemporary feminist scholarship. A synthesis of Connell’s theory of masculinities and Bourdieu’s field theory is utilised for the purpose of exploring more nuanced, complex understandings of manliness and men’s relationships with men, women and social structures. Through such an analysis, this thesis finds that men’s perpetration of power and control over women is driven by a need to avoid the stigma of appearing weak. As a consequence, their desire and ability to show love, care and empathy is suppressed in favour of a presumed honourable manliness, and their female partners are used as weapons in the pursuit of symbolic capital in the form of recognition, prestige and acceptance from real and/or imagined men. This research also uncovers the complex interplay between masculine practices and particular social contexts. For example, the norms of practice encountered from those in authority, such as teachers, sports coaches, police, court judges and workplace management, influences the decision making of the men in this study, to use, or not to use, physical violence, psychological abuse and structural control. The principal conclusion is that there is a repertoire of paradoxical masculinities and contradictory social messages available to the men in this study. But gender policing by other men, complicit women and those in authority provides little room for legitimate complexity in masculine practices. Perpetrators in this study reconcile these conflicts of interest by generally avoiding subordinated masculinity and possible ostracism, and instead practicing more heroic hegemonic masculinities by abusing and controlling women and particular other men. This thesis concludes that for intimate partner abuse and control to cease, changes in power structures have to occur at all levels of society.

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A recurring finding within the research on same-sex intimate partner violence (IPV) is that victims rarely seek assistance from police or other service providers. A study by William Leonard et al (2008: 47) in Victoria, Australia, found that around two thirds of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender victims did not report such violence. It also appears that men are less likely than women to seek help for IPV (Turell and Cornell-Swanson 2005:79–80), and for those that do, informal support networks are approached more often than formal services (Merrill and Wolfe 2000: 16; Farrell and Cerise 2006: 4).

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Human saliva mirrors body’s health and well-being and many of the biomolecules present in blood or urine can also be found in salivary secretions. However, biomolecular concentrations in saliva are usually one tenth to one thousandth of the levels in blood (Pfaffe et al., 2011). Sensitive detection technology platforms are therefore required to detect biomolecules in saliva. Another road block to the advancement of salivary diagnostics is the lack of information related to healthy state saliva vs. a diseased saliva, baseline levels and reference ranges and diurnal variations. Saliva has numerous advantages over blood or urine as a diagnostic fluid: (a) the non-invasive nature of sample collection and the simple, safe, painless and cost-effective methods to collect it; (b) unskilled personnel can collect saliva samples at multiple time points; and (c) the total protein concentration is approximately a quarter of that is present in plasma, which makes it easier to investigate low abundance proteins (Pfaffe et al., 2011). Currently, saliva assays are routinely used to determine, diseases such as HIV, drugs and substances of abuse to provide information on exposure and give qualitative information on the type of illicit drug used (Kintz et al., 2009), cortisol levels for diagnosing Cushing’s syndrome (Doi et al., 2008), and use for biomonitoring of exposure to chemicals (Caporossi et al., 2010) to measure hormones (Gröschl, 2009)....

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Little is known about the extent to which parental conflict and violence differentially impact on offspring mental health and substance use. Using data from a longitudinal birth cohort study this paper examines: whether offspring exposure to parental intimate partner violence (involving physical violence which may include conflicts and/or disagreements) or parental intimate partner conflict (conflicting interactions and disagreements only) are associated with offspring depression, anxiety and substance use in early adulthood (at age 21); and whether these associations are independent of maternal background, depression and anxiety and substance use. Data (n = 2,126 women and children) were taken from a large-scale Australian birth-cohort study, the Mater University of Queensland Study of Pregnancy (MUSP). IPC and IPV were measured at the 14-year follow-up. Offspring mental health outcomes – depression, anxiety and substance use were assessed at the 21-year follow-up using the Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI). Offspring of women experiencing IPV at the 14-year follow-up were more likely to manifest anxiety, nicotine, alcohol and cannabis disorders by the 21-year follow-up. These associations remained after adjustment for maternal anxiety, depression, and other potential confounders. Unlike males who experience anxiety disorders after exposure to IPV, females experience depressive and alcohol use disorders. IPV predicts offspring increased levels of substance abuse and dependence in young adulthood. Gender differences suggest differential impact.

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The highest rates of fetal alcohol syndrome worldwide can be found in South Africa. Particularly in impoverished townships in the Western Cape, pregnant women live in environments where alcohol intake during pregnancy has become normalized and interpersonal violence (IPV) is reported at high rates. For the current study we sought to examine how pregnancy, for both men and women, is related to alcohol use behaviors and IPV. We surveyed 2,120 men and women attending drinking establishments in a township located in the Western Cape of South Africa. Among women 13.3% reported being pregnant, and among men 12.0% reported their partner pregnant. For pregnant women, 61% reported attending the bar that evening to drink alcohol and 26% reported both alcohol use and currently experiencing IPV. Daily or almost daily binge drinking was reported twice as often among pregnant women than non-pregnant women (8.4% vs. 4.2%). Men with pregnant partners reported the highest rates of hitting sex partners, forcing a partner to have sex, and being forced to have sex. High rates of alcohol frequency, consumption, binge drinking, consumption and binge drinking were reported across the entire sample. In general, experiencing and perpetrating IPV were associated with alcohol use among all participants except for men with pregnant partners. Alcohol use among pregnant women attending shebeens is alarmingly high. Moreover, alcohol use appears to be an important factor in understanding the relationship between IPV and pregnancy. Intensive, targeted, and effective interventions for both men and women are urgently needed to address high rates of drinking alcohol among pregnant women who attend drinking establishments.

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Though intimate partner violence (IPV) is predominately understood as a women’s health issue most often emerging within heterosexual relationships, there is increasing recognition of the existence of male victims of IPV. In this qualitative study we explored connections between masculinities and IPV among gay men. The findings show how recognising IPV was based on an array of participant experiences, including the emotional, physical and sexual abuse inflicted by their partner, which in turn led to three processes. Normalising and concealing violence referred to the participants’ complicity in accepting violence as part of their relationship and their reluctance to disclose that they were victims of IPV. Realising a way out included the participants’ understandings that the triggers for, and patterns of, IPV would best be quelled by leaving the relationship. Nurturing recovery detailed the strategies employed by participants to mend and sustain their wellbeing in the aftermath of leaving an abusive relationship. In terms of masculinities and men’s health research, the findings reveal the limits of idealising hegemonic masculinities and gender relations as heterosexual, while highlighting a plurality of gay masculinities and the need for IPV support services that bridge the divide between male and female as well as between homosexual and heterosexual.

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