800 resultados para interactive discourse acts
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This paper aims to analyze and to characterize the structure of some linguistic expressions that, in the view of Functional Discourse Grammar (HENGEVELD; MACKENZIE, 2008), are called Interactive Acts because they show the Speaker, the Addressee and the Illocution positions filled in. To do so, we analyse data composed of representative texts of Portuguese spoken in Portugal, in Brazil, in African countries (those that have Portuguese as official language) and in East Timor
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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En este ensayo se procura conceptualizar acerca de cómo los niños, niñas y docentes construyen interpretaciones compartidas en el aula. Desde el análisis dialógico (Bajtin), entendemos el aprendizaje de los alumnos desde sus “respuestas" en relación con las voces de los maestros, textos y pares. Distinguimos el tratamiento unívoco del lenguaje, propio del recitado; de su tratamiento como instrumento de pensamiento, en el intercambio dialógico y en el discurso interactivo. Se analiza como se guía a un grupo de escolares en una institución pública de educación especial; centrando la mirada en las interacciones conversacionales del debate y preguntándonos qué patrones contribuyen más eficazmente a sus aprendizajes. El diseño supone la búsqueda de lo cualitativo, lo irrepetible y lo singular; incorporando el paradigma “indiciario" (Guinzburg). En la sistematización registramos, que las preguntas auténticas indican que el maestro otorga prioridad al razonamiento por sobre la memorización. Se caracteriza la interacción cercana al debate, como apuntes colaborativos. Esta construcción dialógica de sentido promueve el aprendizaje, porque genera respuestas con argumentación y facilita el diálogo entre lo nuevo y lo ya conocido. Así, el modo en que los alumnos piensan y lo que pueden aprender está relacionado a la modalidad que los docentes desarrollan para responder a sus preguntas.
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O Programa de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Socioambiental e Cultural da Terra Indígena Apucaraninha foi criado como condicionalidade para que a comunidade pudesse receber parte dos recursos oriundos da compensação pela construção e operação da Usina Hidrelétrica de Apucaraninha, instalada dentro das terras indígenas. Teoricamente criado para ser um programa em que os índios participassem de forma ativa e igualitária na sua construção e implementação, já nasce contraditório frente à hegemonia da ideologia da sociedade envolvente imersa na ideologia do management. É assim que tenho como objetivo compreender como o management, enquanto ideologia que se materializa em discurso, atua sobre o Programa de Sustentabilidade Socioambiental e Cultural na Terra Indígena Apucaraninha, Paraná. Para isso, faço uma pesquisa qualitativa em que os discursos, coletados por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e grupo focal, aplicados aos indígenas e aos não-indígenas participantes do programa, foram interpretados sob a perspectiva dos elementos da Análise do Discurso na Linha Francesa. Como apoio, ainda analisei documentos do programa e os emitidos pelo Ministério Público Federal. Os principais resultados mostram que, como eu já desconfiava, o programa exclui a participação dos indígenas de fato, uma vez que eles são considerados pelos \"brancos\", de maneira estereotipada, como irracionais, indolentes e atrasados e, assim, incapazes de escolher o \"melhor caminho\" para a sustentabilidade do programa que, neste momento, passa se orientar por uma visão economicista e materialista, contrário a lógica dos índios Kaingang. Ao discurso do management, sustentado pelo discurso capitalista, que promete a felicidade, se junta o discurso do colonizador, que trabalha desclassificando o modo de vida dos indígenas, os colocando em uma situação de vulnerabilidade que pode, assim, promover o seu extermínio, mesmo que não seja físico
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Peer-reviewed
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In this article, it is shown that IWD incorporates topological perceptual characteristics of both spoken and written language, and it is argued that these characteristics should not be ignored or given up when synchronous textual CMC is technologically developed and upgraded.
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Another special t. p. follows Introductory discourse in vol. 1.
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After discussing the meaning of the word politics, this paper shows that there are four possible approaches to the issue of the relationships between language, discourse and politics: a) the intrinsic political nature of language; b) the relations of power between discourses and their political dimension; c) the relations of power between languages and the political dimension of their usage and; d) linguistic policies. This paper addresses only the first two of these items. Languages have an intrinsically political nature because they subject their speakers to their order. The acts of silencing operationalized in discourse manifest a relation of power. The spread of discourses in the social space is also subject to the order of power. The use of language may be the space of pertinence, but is also that of exclusion, separation and even the elimination of the other. Therefore, language is not a neutral communication tool, but it is permeated by politics, by power. Because of the dislocations that it produces, literature is a form of swindling language, unveiling the powers that are imprinted on it.
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This paper is situated within a theoretical discussion that asserts a positive correlation between indirectness and politeness, and uses these claims as a springboard for an examination of polite ways of issuing directives in eighteenth century Chinese. On the basis of an analysis of directive speech acts from dialogue in the novel Honglou meng, it argues that the concept of indirectness, as it applies to the illocutionary transparency of individual speech acts, has no particular value in the culture and language of eighteenth century Chinese men. It is found that other linguistic devices such as particles, the reduplication of verbs, terms of address, and the presence and sequencing of supportive moves are far more significant to the communication of politeness. The findings suggest a need to rethink current theoretical positions on this subject and move beyond the analysis of individual speech acts to examine the role discourse structure and management play in the enactment of politeness. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.
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The aim of this pilot study is to analyse the discourse of fathers of toddlers concerning fatherhood and the link between some particularities in the discourse and family alliance. The sample consists of 13 Swiss first time fathers (5 fathers of girls and 8 of boys). In order to evaluate the paternal discourse, the fathers were given a semi-structured interview, which was later analysed using the research package Alceste. The family alliance, i.e., the degree of coordination among the partners when executing a task together, was assessed through the Lausanne Trilogue Play (Fivaz-Depeursinge & Corboz-Warnery, 1999). The main results indicated an interesting link between classes of paternal discourse grouped around the following themes "affective relationship", "daily routine" and "educational goals", and the family alliance (defined in two major categories; functional and problematic alliances). Finally, clinical perspectives on links between paternal representations and family functioning at an interactive level are discussed
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Memories of historical injustices affect contemporary politics from local to global level. In East Asia, questions of commemoration and historical responsibility have turned into international and domestic controversies. The main focus has been and still is in apologies conducted by Japanese prime ministers in regards to the war, aggression and colonialism during the era of Imperial Japan. Although it is granted that state apologies are not a crucial part of reconciliation, they can be analysed as a linked but separate process within the context of memory and international relations. The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses of history in Japanese prime ministers’ commemoration speeches on Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead from 1995 to 2015 in order to analyse how the Japanese government is reflecting on its past. In particular, attention is paid on what is being commemorated and how, whether it is the war and its victims or Japan’s post-war era of peace. As an apology is a reciprocal activity, responses from Japan’s most vocal former victims, South Korea and China, were also examined. Discourse analysis was used to identify and examine the different representations of the past. In addition, the apology statements of Japanese prime ministers were analysed in the Many to Many apology framework developed by Tavuchis (1991). Primary material consisted of 21 prime ministers’ speeches from the annual Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead on August 15th and from three apology statements made in 1995, 2005 and 2015. Further international context was primarily collected from newspaper articles of The New York Times and The Times throughout the examined period. It can be concluded from the findings that in the official Japanese remembrance of the past war from 1985’s annexation of Taiwan to the atomic bombings in 1945, both discourses that reinforce apology and remorse over Japan’s past aggressions and discourses that consciously avoid doing so are used. The commemoration speeches and apology statements consistently assert that Japan has acknowledged its past and expresses regret over the acts of aggression. At the same time, the speeches and statements strengthen the narrative that Japan was a victim of circumstances as well as turn the focus on post-war peace-making or on Japan’s own victimhood.
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This study was a comparative investigation of face-toface (i.e., proximate) and computer-mediated written (i.e., graphic) pre-writing conferences. The participants in this study were advanced English as a second language students. The 2 types of conferences were compared in terms of textual features, participation, and the . degree to which they were on topic. Moreover, drafts written after the 2 types of conferences were compared in terms of textual features, and the degree to which they were related to the conferences. Students produced an equivalent amount of discourse in an equivalent amount of time in the 2 types of conferences. The discourse in graphic conferences displayed greater lexical range, and some evidence suggests that it was less on-topic. Both these results likely occurred because the graphic conferences contained more discourse demonstrating interactive competence. Participation in graphic conferences was found to be as balanced or more balanced among students, and among students and the group leader combined. Overall, the drafts produced after the 2 types of conferences were of equivalent length and topical range, but some evidence suggests that drafts written after proximate conferences were more related to the conferences.
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The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful.
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This paper investigates, in light of the theory of Functional Discourse Grammar (HENGEVELD; MACKENZIE, 2008), the concessive clause that is not subordinated to other clauses, i.e., it has no semantic or syntactic relations with clauses before or after it, and which we call Independent Concessive. The aim is to describe the discursive properties and the semantic, morphosyntactic and prosodic structure of this type of clause, showing that its relevance is in the construction and organization of discourse. The results indicate that the Independent Concessive works in speech as a parenthesis which interrupts the discursive course and is then highlighted by a special prosodic contour, combined with the presence of Interactive Acts. It is therefore a Move, the highest layer of the Interpersonal Level, the level that relates to the pragmatic aspects of the grammar of a language. The universe of research used is the Iboruna corpus, a database that records a variety of Portuguese from the Northwest of São Paulo.
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Pós-graduação em Estudos Linguísticos - IBILCE