Trust, Satisfaction and Online Repurchase Intention: The Moderating Role of Perceived Effectiveness of E-commerce Institutional Mechanisms

The effects of e-commerce institutional mechanisms on trust and online purchase have traditionally been understood in the initial online purchase context. This study extends this literature by exploring the role of e-commerce institutional mechanisms in the online repurchase context. In doing so, it responds to the emerging call for understanding the institutional context under which customer trust operates in an e-commerce environment. Specifically, this study introduces a key moderator, perceived effectiveness of e-commerce institutional mechanisms (PEEIM), to the relationships between trust, satisfaction, and repurchase intention. Drawing on the theory of organizational trust, and based on a survey of 362 returning online customers, we find that PEEIM negatively moderates the relationship between trust in an online vendor and online customer repurchase intention, as it decreases the importance of trust to promoting repurchase behavior. We also find that PEEIM positively moderates the relationship between customer satisfaction and trust as it enhances the customer’s reliance on past transaction experience with the vendor to reevaluate trust in the vendor. Consistent with the predictions made in the literature, PEEIM does not directly affect trust or repurchase intention. Academic and practical implications and future research directions are discussed.

"Get new lawyers!"

In James Rubin's account of the Kosovo war, he describes an exchange between Secretary Albright and Robin Cook (the British Foreign Secretary). Cook was explaining that it is difficult for Britain to commit to the war without UN Security Council approval because the legal advice he had received was that such action would be illegal under international law. Albright's response was, simply, "get new lawyers". Rubin "credits" Blair with a "push" that swung the British to "finally agree" that a UN Security Council resolution was "not legally required". Robin Cook later stated in Parliament and that the war was legal. Interestingly, Blair did not. This article does not look at whether or not such an exchange took place; rather look at the ethical issues that such a situation would generate. The article suggests what the ethical obligations of the key legal players in such institutional dramas should be—including governments seeking advice, the lawyers giving it, the ministers reporting it and the opposition in Parliament. The article sets out the particular responsibilities of the lawyers and officials of a Westminster system. It also sets out some of the institutional mechanisms for making it more likely that those obligations are fulfilled—as always through the interaction of obligations by different players that make it more risky for any player to breach his or her ethical obligations. Analogous duties would be faced by the relevant actors in other systems.

Removing barriers to protection at the exported border : visas, carrier sanctions, and international obligation

Asylum is being gradually denuded of the national institutional mechanisms (judicial, legislative and administrative) that provide the framework for a fair and effective asylum hearing. In this sense, there is an ongoing ‘denationalization’ or ‘deformalization’ of the asylum process. This chapter critically examines one of the linchpins of this trend: the erection of pre-entry measures at ports of embarkation in order to prevent asylum seekers from physically accessing the territory of the state. Pre-entry measures comprise the core requirement that foreigners possess an entry visa granting permission to enter the state of destination. Visa requirements are increasingly implemented by immigration officials posted abroad or by officials of transit countries pursuant to bilateral agreements (so-called ‘juxtaposed’ immigration controls). Private carriers, which are subject to sanctions if they bring persons to a country who do not have permission to enter, also engage in a form of de facto immigration control on behalf of states. These measures constitute a type of ‘externalized’ or ‘exported’ border that pushes the immigration boundaries of the state as far from its physical boundaries as possible. Pre-entry measures have a crippling impact on the ability of asylum seekers to access the territory of states to claim asylum. In effect, states have ‘externalized’ asylum by replacing the legal obligation on states to protect refugees arriving at ports of entry with what are perceived to be no more than moral obligations towards asylum seekers arriving at the external border of the state.

Sustainable creative career development pathways for young people in Tanzania : a case study

Tanzania has a rich and diverse cultural history based in community cultural life. However, at present, young people have limited opportunity to exploit this richness of traditional knowledge and engage in creative jobs as their means of future sustainable employment. Hence, the significant challenge remains: how to integrate and enhance the traditional knowledge in a learning strategy, while there is no “inter-ministerial action and institutional mechanisms” (United Nations 2008, 33-35) to promote creative employment for young people. This article reports on a case study that examined how the two Ministries of Culture and Education might work together to support Tanzania’s young people to secure, and engage successfully in creative jobs. The case study employed mixed methods, incorporating questionnaires, interviews and focus groups. The study was undertaken in Dar-Es-Salaam, Mwanza, Bagamoyo, Dodoma, Lindi and Morogoro from July to October, 2012. This paper discusses some of the issues and argues that there is no practical utilization of traditional knowledge and skills in “putting education to work” (UNESCO 2012, 170) for the better prospects of young people and to reveal the story of their lives. Although this study is specific to Tanzania, the case may also apply to other developing countries.

Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Fishery-dependent livelihoods, conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity: the case of marine and coastal protected areas in India

The lacunae in fishing-community engagement in the management and governance of marine and coastal protected areas (MCPAs) were discussed in the 2009 Chennai Workshop organized by the International Collective in Support of Fishworkers (ICSF). To continue the discussion, a second, two-day workshop to review existing legal and institutional mechanisms for implemention and monitoring of MCPAs, titled ‘Fishery-dependent Livelihoods, Conservation and Sustainable Use of Biodiversity: The Case of Marine and Coastal Protected Areas in India’, was held in New Delhi during 1-2 March 2012. The objective was to understand the impact of MCPAs on fishing communities, from an environmental-justice and human-rights perspective, and make specific proposals for better conservation while securing the livelihoods of small-scale fishers. The workshop also served to underscore these issues in light of the upcoming Conference of the Parties (COP) to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), to be held at Hyderabad in October 2012. This publication contains the prospectus of the workshop and a report of the proceedings. It will be useful for fishworkers, non-governmental organizations, policymakers, trade unions, researchers and others interested in natural resource management and coastal and fishing communities.

Economic Stability and Economic Governance in the Euro Area:What the European Crisis Can Teach on the Limits of Economic Integration

The recent European economic crisis has dramatically exposed the failures of
the various institutional mechanisms in place to maintain economic stability
in Europe, and has unveiled the difficulty in achieving international coordination
on fiscal and financial stability policies. Drawing on the European
experience, this article analyzes the concept of economic stability in international
law and highlights the peculiar problems connected to its maintenance
or promotion. First, we demonstrate that policies that safeguard and
protect economic stability are largely regulated and managed at the national
level, due to their inextricable relationship with the exercise of national political
power. Until recently, more limited levels of pan-European integration
did not make the coordination of economic stability policies seem necessary.
However, a much deeper level of economic integration makes it very difficult
to tackle an international economic crisis through national responses. If EU
Member states wish to maintain and deepen economic integration, they
must accept an erosion of sovereignty over their economic stability policies.
This will not only deprive states of a fundamental anchor of political power,
but also create a challenge for the maintenance of democratic control over
economic policies. Second, this article argues that soft law approaches are
likely ineffective in enforcing the regulatory disciplines required to ensure
economic stability.

Le multiculturalisme dans une perspective féministe : une théorie libérale de l’aménagement de la diversité culturelle

L’objectif de ce mémoire est de montrer qu’il est nécessaire de complémenter les schèmes multiculturalistes existants de mesures destinées à promouvoir l’autonomie et l’égalité des individus vulnérables au sein des groupes culturels et religieux minoritaires. En effet, les politiques multiculturalistes sont justifiées, dans une société libérale, dans la mesure où elles permettent de compenser les inégalités imméritées liées à l’appartenance à une culture minoritaire. C’est de cette justification de l’aménagement de la diversité culturelle dont traite le premier chapitre de ce mémoire. Cependant, plusieurs féministes, dont les critiques sont exposées au deuxième chapitre, ont mis en lumière le fait que ces politiques peuvent, en pratique, contribuer à fragiliser encore la position des individus vulnérables au sein de ces minorités et donc à renforcer les inégalités au sein du groupe. Dans le troisième chapitre, à l’aide du concept de capabilités, compris comme définition opérationnelle et procédurale de l’autonomie relationnelle, un modèle pouvant servir de complément aux schèmes multiculturels existants est élaboré. Le fonctionnement concret que pourrait avoir ce modèle fait l’objet du quatrième chapitre. Le modèle des capabilités – qui sont ici conçues à la fois comme guide pour les politiques et comme critère pour trancher les cas particuliers – pourrait donc mener à un type d’aménagement de la diversité à la fois plus flexible, au niveau des pratiques qu’il serait possible d’accommoder, mais également plus exigeant, au niveau des mécanismes institutionnels à mettre en place.

Analyse de l'évolution de l'Administration canadienne de la sûreté du transport aérien

La présente étude a analysé l’évolution de l’Administration Canadienne de la Sureté du Transport Aérien (ACSTA) depuis sa mise en place jusqu’aujourd’hui, ainsi que les acteurs individuels ou institutionnels impliqués dans ce processus. L’ACSTA gravite dans un champ organisationnel ‐ensemble d’organisations qui constituent un domaine reconnu de la vie institutionnelle (DiMaggio et Powell, 1983)-­ au sein duquel agissent différents acteurs qui ont influencé non seulement sa création, mais qui ont continué à jouer un rôle important tout au long de son évolution. Nous avons défini le champ de la sûreté aérienne et au sein de celui‐ci, nous avons analysé les mécanismes institutionnels, tout en identifiant et définissant le rôle des différents acteurs en présence. Il ressort de nos analyses que principalement deux types de contraintes institutionnelles (DiMaggio et Powell, 1983) ont influencé la création et le développement de l’ACSTA. Premièrement, mis à part les contraintes coercitives émanant de la règlementation internationale de l’Organisation de l’Aviation Civile Internationale, il apparait que d’autres contraintes du même type proviennent du gouvernement américain, par le biais de pressions visant à la mise en place de mesures sécuritaires, tant au moment de la création que tout le long de l’évolution de l’organisation. Il est à noter, cependant, le rôle du terrorisme et des tentatives d’attentat comme provocant de telles contraintes. Deuxièmement, nous avons identifié des contraintes du type normatif, c’est-à‐dire celles qui proviennent des valeurs, des normes et du bagage professionnel lié à la sécurité et à la sureté aérienne. Il apparait que les contraintes normatives agissent constamment alors que les contraintes coercitives surgissent ponctuellement tout au long de la période analysée.

Emergencies and arbitrary coercion

Cette thèse jette un œil sceptique sur plusieurs théories courantes de l’état d’urgence. La plupart de ces théories de l’état d’urgence présupposent que la notion d'une « urgence » est claire, conceptuellement et pratiquement. J'argue que ceci n'est pas le cas et que cette certitude mal placée produit des problèmes pratiques et conceptuels avec ses théories. De plus, cette thèse démontre que cette certitude mal placée dans la clarté du concept de l'urgence mène les autorités gouvernementales à agir arbitrairement plutôt que selon des principes libéraux et démocratiques pendant des états d’urgence. Contre cette certitude mal placée et contre plusieurs théories contemporaines influentes des états d'urgence, j'offre une théorie rigoureuse et analytique du concept de l’« urgence. » Une fois que le concept de l'urgence est défini, et que cette conception est défendue, la thèse démontre les diverses manières dont les malentendus du concept, mènent aux utilisations arbitraires (de la puissance monopole de l'état) en situation d’urgence. En considérant les états d’urgences, comme événements rares, la thèse évite la tentation de les considérer comme événements exceptionnels capable de fragmenter l'ordre politique établi (comme d’autres théories le font). La thèse argue que les mesures prises par le gouvernent pendant l’état d’urgence devraient être compatibles plus généralement avec les valeurs démocratiques et libérales. En rejetant l'idée que les états d'urgence sont des événements exceptionnels, la thèse crée un espace conceptuel dans lequel des propositions plus constructives concernant la gestion des états d'urgence peuvent être entendues. De plus, en analysant les diverses manières dont les autorités gouvernementales utilisent leur forces de façon arbitraire pendant les états d’urgence, la thèse argue clairement pour la supervision institutionnelle accrue en ce qui concerne les procédures d’urgence et leur déploiement pendant des états d'urgence. En conclusion, la thèse argue que les démocraties libérales n'ont pas besoin de craindre les états d’urgences tandis que les démocraties libérales ont déjà les ressources requise pour administrer les états d’urgence. Contrairement à ce que d’autres théories l’état d'urgence recommandent, les démocraties libérales ont déjà les ressources institutionnelles et conceptuelles pour administrer les états d’urgences.

Análisis de la reunión especializada de la mujer del MERCOSUR a la luz de la plataforma de acción de Beijing en la esfera de mecanismos institucionales para el adelanto de la mujer (1998-2008).

La presente investigación tiene por objetivo presentar el análisis de la Reunión Especializada de la Mujer del Mercosur, a la luz de la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing en la esfera de Mecanismos Institucionales para el Adelanto de la Mujer 1998-2008.

A problemática da descentralização : o caso da República Democrática do Congo

Em África, o fracasso do processo de (re)construção do Estado e a debilidade dos mecanismos institucionais de integração nacional levaram muito cedo as comunidades subnacionais como locais a desafiar as soberanias autoritárias instituídas pelos «new comers». A década de noventa gerou a mudança daquele registo, com destaque para África Central. A República Democrática do Congo (ex-Zaire) colocada no ranking dos «failed states», serve hoje de laboratório experimental do sonho democrático qua as províncias congolesas sempre buscaram para afirmar a sua autonomia face ao poder central.

Las limitaciones de los mecanismos de aproximación jurídica para el diseño de la nueva arquitectura financiera internacional (Tema Central)

A nivel internacional existe consenso respecto a la importancia que tiene el marco institucional para el funcionamiento eficiente del sistema financiero y para la generación de incentivos correctos para mantener la disciplina de mercado. Por eso mismo, durante los últimos diez años, se ha estado discutiendo, especialmente a nivel técnico, respecto de las condiciones de una nueva arquitectura financiera internacional que se ajuste a la realidad de un sistema financiero globalizado, y se han generado políticas, lineamientos y mínimos estándares para los sistemas financieros que han sido recogidos fundamentalmente por normas informales conocidas como softlaw y por órganos igualmente informales. La Declaración de la Cumbre del G20 en Washington de noviembre de 2008 estableció cinco principios comunes para reforma del sistema financiero que deben ser considerados en esta nueva arquitectura, a la que se puede definir como ""el establecimiento e implementación, a nivel nacional e internacional, de reglas, principios y arreglos institucionales que aseguren la estabilidad del sistema financiero internacional, previniendo las crisis y estableciendo los mecanismos institucionales para enfrentarlas o mitigarlas"". Sin embargo de esto, no existe una conciencia clara de que el problema de la nueva arquitectura financiera internacional es un problema ante todo jurídico: los órganos informales creados y el softlaw son insuficientes para crear las condiciones necesarias para asegurar el obligatorio cumplimiento y la aplicación general de este marco de regulación financiera global. Además, el principio de la soberanía de los Estados, base de los ordenamientos y sistemas jurídicos actuales, de naturaleza fundamentalmente nacional, y norma fundamental para las relaciones entre Estados, en el Derecho público internacional, vuelve complejay demorada la creación de un nuevo sistema de gobernanza global que viabilice esta nueva arquitectura financiera internacional y permita devolver rápidamente la confianza perdida y la estabilidad de este nuevo sistema financiero global.