825 resultados para immigration


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This book (256 pages, written in Korean) is a critical essay that reviews, questions, and criticises Korean and Eastern immigrants’ thinking and behaviour styles in Australia from their cultural perspectives, and discuss and proposes a creative cultural dimension for their better life in a multicultural context. Multiculturalism is not supportive of Eastern cultures because of individualistic collection of cultures, while transculturalism facilitates nurture of their culture in a community-oriented way within multicultural circumstances. Korean and Eastern immigrants, sharing oriental cultural systems and values, should approach to the Australian multicultural context with transculturalism which allows creating new cultural values in collaboration with and by participation into local communities. ------------------------------------------------------------ Many Eastern immigrants live in their own ethnic communities without or less interacting with Australian (communities). The author defines this phenomenon as “reverse immigration”. Reverse immigration refers to re-immigrating to their ethnic community in Australia or to their birth country despite they did not anticipate that this would happen to them before immigration to Australia. The author argues that Easterners’ collectivistic culture often devalues individuality and vice versa. Cultural clash between West and East often forces the immigrants to choose reverse immigration because of their lack of understanding of Western culture and their cultural characteristics such as low individuality, high power distance, and high uncertainty avoidance. For example, a vague boundary between individualist and collectivist in a collectivistic context (within their ethnic group) often leads to maladjustment to local communities and enhancement of cultural conservatism. The author proposes that the cultural clash can be overcome by cross-cultural activities named “transculturalism”. To Eastern immigrants, transculturalism can be achieved by acculturation of their two predominant cultures, the third-person perspective and generalised others. In a multicultural context, the former refers to the ability to share another person's feelings and emotions as if they were your own, and the latter does the ability to manage community and public expectations. When both cultural values are used for quality interactions between East and West, they allow Eastern immigrants to be more creative and critical and Australian to be more socially inclusive and culturally tolerant. With these discussions, the author discusses cultural differences throughout the book with four topics (chapters) and proposes transculturalism as a solution to the reverse immigration. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 1 criticises Koreans’ attitudes and methods towards learning English that is less pragmatic and practical, but more likely to be a scholarly study. The author explains that Koreans’ non-pragmatic towards learning English has been firmly built based on their traditional systems and values that Koreans view English as a discipline and an aim of academic achievements rather than a means of communication. Within their cultural context, English can be perceived as more than a language, but something like vastly superior to their language and culture. Their collectivistic culture regards English as an unreachable and heterogeneous one that may threaten their cultural identity, so that “scholarly studying” is only the way to achieve (not learn) it. This discourages the immigrants to engage and involve in daily dialogues by “using” English as a second language. The author further advises the readers to be aware of Eastern collectivistic culture in communication and interaction that sometimes completely reverses private and public topics in a Western context. This leads them to feel that they have no content to talk to natives. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 2 compares between Korea and Australia in terms of their educational systems and values, and proposes how Eastern overseas students can achieve critical and creative thinking within a Western educational setting. Interestingly, this chapter includes an explanation of why Eastern overseas students easily fail assessments including essay writing, oral presentations and discussions. One of the reasons the author explains is that Eastern students are not familiar to criticise others and think creatively, especially when they recognise that their words and ideas may harm the collectivistic harmony. Western educational systems focuses on enhancement of individuality such as self-confidence, self-esteem, and self-expression, while Eastern educational systems foster group-oriented values such as interpersonal relationship, and strong moral and spiritual values. Yet, the author argues that the collectivistic approach to criticism and creativity is often more critical and creative than Western individuals when they know what they are supposed to do for a group (or a community). Therefore, Eastern students need to think their cultural merits and demerits by using an individual perspective rather than generalised others’ perspective. The latter often discourages individual participation in a community, and the generalised others in a Western culture is weaker than Eastern. Furthermore, Western educational systems do not educate students to transform (loose) their individuality to fit into a group or a community. Rather they cultivate individuality for community prosperity. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 3 introduces various cases of reverse immigration in workplaces that many immigrants return to their country or their ethnic community after many trials for acculturation. Reverse immigration is unexpected and not planned before immigration, so that its emotional embarrassment increases such severe social loneliness. Most Eastern immigrant workers have tried to adjust themselves in this new cultural environment at the early stages of immigration. However, their cultural features of collectivism, high power distance, high uncertainty avoidance, and long-term oriented cultures suppress individual initiative and eliminate the space for experiments in ways of acculturation. The author argues that returning to their ethnic community (physically and psychologically) leads to two significant problems: their distorted parenting and becoming more conservatives. The former leads the first generation of immigrants to pressure their children to pursue extrinsic or materialist values, such as financial success, fame and physical appearance, rather than on intrinsic values, while the latter refers to their isolated conservative characters because of their remoteness from the changes of their own country. The author also warns that their ethnic and religious groups actively strengthens immigrants’ social loneliness and systematically discourages immigrants’ interests and desire to be involving into local communities. The ethnic communities and leaders have not been interacting with Australian local communities and, as a result, are eager to conserve outdated cultural systems values. Even they have a tendency to weed out those people who wish to settle down within Australian local communities. They believe that those people can threaten their community’s survival and continuity. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 4 titled multiculturalism argues that Korean and Eastern immigrants should more precisely understand Australia as a multicultural society in a way of collaboratively creating new cultural values. The author introduces multiculturalism with its definitions and history in Australia and argues the limitations of multiculturalism from an Easterner’s perspective. With well known tragedies of the second generations of U.S. immigrants, Cho Seung-Hui, a university student, massacred 32 people on the Virginia Tech before committing suicide and Hidal Hassan, an Army psychiatrist, killed 13 people at Fort Hood and the responses of ethnic community, the author explains that their mental illness may be derived from their parents’ (or ethnic group) culturally isolated attitude and socially static viewpoint of U.S. (Western system and values). The author insists that multiculturalism may restrict Eastern immigrants’ engagement and involvement in local communities. Multiculturalism has been systematically and historically developed based on Western systems and cultural values. In other words, multiculturalism requires high self-confidence and self-esteem that Eastern immigrants less prioritise them. It has been generally known that Easterners put more weight on human relationship than Westerners, but the author claims that this is not true. Within an individualistic culture, Westerners are more interested in building person-to-person connections and relationships. While Easterners are more interested in how individuals can achieve a sense of belonging within a group and a community. Therefore, multiculturalism is an ideology which forces Eastern immigrants to discard their strong desire to be part of a group and does not give a sense of belonging. In a consequence, the author advises that Eastern immigrants should aim towards “transculturalism” which allows them to actively participate in and contribute to their multicultural community. Transculturalism does not ask Easterners to discard their cultural values, but enables them to be a collectivistic individualist (a community leader) who is capable of developing new cultural values in a more creative and productive way. Furthermore, transculturalism encourages Western Australians in a multicultural context to collaborate with ethnic minorities to build a better community.

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The purpose of this study was to explore the types and predictors of immigration distress among Vietnamese women in transnational marriages in Taiwan. A cross-sectional survey with face-toface interviews was conducted for data collection. A convenient sample of 203 Vietnamese women in transnational marriages in southern Taiwan was recruited. The Demographic Inventory measured the participants’ age, education, employment status, religion, length of residency and number of children, as well as their spouse’s age, education, employment status and religion. The Demand of Immigration Specific Distress scale measured the level of distress and had six subscales: loss, novelty, occupational adjustment, language accommodation, discrimination and alienation. Among the 203 participants, 6.4% had a high level of immigration distress; 91.1% had moderate distress; and 2.5% had minor distress. Higher mean scores were found for the loss, novelty and language accommodation subscales of the Demand of Immigration specific Distress scale. Participant’s (r = 0.321, p < 0.01) and spouse’s (r = 0.375, p < 0.01) unemployment, and more children (r = 0.129, p < 0.05) led to greater immigration distress. Length of residency in Taiwan (r = 0.576, p < 0.001) was an effective predictor of immigration distress. It indicated that the participants who had stayed fewer years in Taiwan had a higher level of immigrant distress. Health care professionals need to be aware that the female newcomers in transnational marriages are highly susceptible to immigration distress. The study suggests that healthcare professionals need to provide a comprehensive assessment of immigration distress to detect health problems early and administer culturally appropriate healthcare for immigrant women in transnational marriages.

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This presentation explores molarization and overcoding of social machines and relationality within an assemblage consisting of empirical data of immigrant families in Australia. Immigration is key to sustainable development of Western societies like Australia and Canada. Newly arrived immigrants enter a country and are literally taken over by the Ministry of Immigration regarding housing, health, education and accessing job possibilities. If the immigrants do not know the official language(s) of the country, they enroll in language classes for new immigrants. Language classes do more than simply teach language. Language is presented in local contexts (celebrating the national day, what to do to get a job) and in control societies, language classes foreground values of a nation state in order for immigrants to integrate. In the current project, policy documents from Australia reveal that while immigration is the domain of government, the subject/immigrant is nevertheless at the core of policy. While support is provided, it is the subject/immigrant transcendent view that prevails. The onus remains on the immigrant to “succeed”. My perspective lies within transcendental empiricism and deploys Deleuzian ontology, how one might live in order to examine how segmetary lines of power (pouvoir) reflected in policy documents and operationalized in language classes rupture into lines of flight of nomad immigrants. The theoretical framework is Multiple Literacies Theory (MLT); reading is intensive and immanent. The participants are one Korean and one Sudanese family and their children who have recently immigrated to Australia. Observations in classrooms were obtained and followed by interviews based on the observations. Families also borrowed small video cameras and they filmed places, people and things relevant to them in terms of becoming citizen and immigrating to and living in a different country. Interviews followed. Rhizoanalysis informs the process of reading data. Rhizoanalysis is a research event and performed with an assemblage (MLT, data/vignettes, researcher, etc.). It is a way to work with transgressive data. Based on the concept of the rhizome, a bloc of data has no beginning, no ending. A researcher enters in the middle and exists somewhere in the middle, an intermezzo suggesting that the challenges to molar immigration lie in experimenting and creating molecular processes of becoming citizen.

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Executive Summary The Australian Psychological Society categorically condemns the practice of detaining child asylum seekers and their families, on the grounds that it is not commensurate with psychological best practice concerning children’s development and mental health and wellbeing. Detention of children in this fashion is also arguably a violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. A thorough review of relevant psychological theory and available research findings from international research has led the Australian Psychological Society to conclude that: • Detention is a negative socialisation experience. • Detention is accentuates developmental risks. • Detention threatens the bonds between children and significant caregivers. • Detention limits educational opportunities. • Detention has traumatic impacts on children of asylum seekers. • Detention reduces children’s potential to recover from trauma. • Detention exacerbates the impacts of other traumas. • Detention of children from these families in many respects is worse for them than being imprisoned. In the absence of any indication from the Australian Government that it intends in the near future to alter the practice of holding children in immigration detention, the Australian Psychological Society’s intermediate position is that the facilitation of short-term and long-term psychological development and wellbeing of children is the basic tenet upon which detention centres should be audited and judged. Based on that position, the Society has identified a series of questions and concerns that arise directly from the various psychological perspectives that have been brought to bear on estimating the effects of detention on child asylum seekers. The Society argues that, because these questions and concerns relate specifically to improvement and maintenance of child detainees’ educational, social and psychological wellbeing, they are legitimate matters for the Inquiry to consider and investigate. • What steps are currently being taken to monitor the psyc hological welfare of the children in detention? In particular, what steps are being taken to monitor the psychological wellbeing of children arriving from war-torn countries? • What qualifications and training do staff who care for children and their families in detention centres have? What knowledge do they have of psychological issues faced by people who have been subjected to traumatic experiences and are suffering high degrees of anxiety, stress and uncertainty? • What provisions have been made for psycho-educational assessment of children’s specific learning needs prior to their attending formal educational programmes? • who are suffering chronic and/or vicarious trauma as a result of witnessing threatening behaviour whilst in detention? • What provisions have been made for families who have been seriously affected by displacement to participate in family therapy? • What critical incident debriefing procedures are in place for children who have witnessed their parents, other family members, or social acquaintances engaging in acts of self-harm or being harmed while in detention? What psychotherapeutic support is in place for children who themselves have been harmed or have engaged in self- harmful acts while in detention? • What provisions are in place for parenting programmes that provide support for parents of children under extremely difficult psychological and physical circumstances? • What efforts are being made to provide parents with the opportunity to model traditional family roles for children, such as working to earn an income, meal preparation, other household duties, etc.? • What opportunities are in place for the assessment of safety issues such as bullying, and sexual or physical abuse of children or their mothers in detention centres? • How are resources distributed to children and families in detention centres? • What socialization opportunities are available either within detention centres or in the wider community for children to develop skills and independence, engage in social activities, participate in cultural traditions, and communicate and interaction with same-age peers and adults from similar ethnic and religious backgrounds? • What access do children and families have to videos, music and entertainment from their cultures of origin? • What provisions are in place to ensure the maintenance of privacy in a manner commensurate with usual cultural practice? • What is the Government’s rationale for continuing to implement a policy of mandatory detention of child asylum seekers that on the face of it is likely to have a pernicious impact on these children’s mental health? • In view of the evidence on the potential long-term impact of mandatory detention on children, what processes may be followed by Government to avoid such a practice and, more importantly, to develop policies and practices that will have a positive impact on these children’s psychological development and mental health?

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Vuosien 1830 ja 1924 välillä Yhdysvaltoihin muutti noin 35 miljoonaa eurooppalaista. Tämä niinkutsuttu "maahanmuuton vuosisata" päättyi varsin äkillisesti kun Yhdysvallat päätti rajoittaa maahanmuuttoa 1920-luvulla. Vuosina 1921 ja 1924 säädetyt lait asettivat kansallisuuteen perustuvat kiintiöt kaikille eurooppalaisille maahanmuuttajille; vuoden 1924 laki myös lopetti kokonaan japanilaisten maahanmuuton. Tämä työ tutkii näihin kiintiölakeihin johtanutta maahanmuuttajavastaisuuden kasvua sekä etenkin lakien ympärillä käytyä keskustelua. Pääpaino on kongressissa esitetyissä maahanmuuton vastaisissa argumenteissa. Nämä jakautuivat karkeasti ottaen kolmeen kategoriaan: maahanmuuton vastustajat sanoivat, että siirtolaisten vaikutus taloudelliseen tilanteeseen oli epäsuotuisa, siirtolaisten rodullinen ja kulttuurinen "laatu" oli huonontunut, ja siirtolaiset olivat radikaaleja ja bolshevismiin taipuvaisia. Erityistä huolta herätti maahanmuuttajien vaikutus Amerikan kulttuuriseen, rodulliseen ja poliittiseen yhtenäisyyteen. Huoli kansakunnan yhtenäisyydestä oli tulosta paitsi siirtolaisten määrästä myös amerikkalaisessa yhteiskunnassa tapahtuneista muutoksista. Erityisen tärkeitä olivat työväenliikkeen vaikutusvallan kasvu ja teollisuusjohtajien pyrkimys pysäyttää se. Maahanmuuttajien "bolshevismi" olikin käyttökelpoinen argumentti paitsi maahanmuuttajia myös amerikkalaisia työläisiä vastaan: teollisuusjohtajat painottivat että lakot ja työväenliike olivat tulosta siirtolaisten mukanaan tuomista "epäamerikkalaisista" ajatusmalleista, eivät yhteiskunnan epäoikeudenmukaisuudesta. Kongressin keskustelun lisäksi työssä käsitellään myös eri yhteiskunnallisten ryhmien ja vaikuttajien kantaa siirtolaisuuteen. Keskusteluun maahanmuutosta vaikuttivat etenkin eugenistit ja muut sosiaalitieteilijät, jotka väittivät itä- ja eteläeurooppalaisten olevan rodullisesti anglosakseja huonompia. Tämän väitteen vaikutusvaltaa lisäsivät yhteiskunnassa vallalla olleet ennakkoluulot, ja monet yhdistykset ja liikkeet (mm. Ku Klux Klan ja erilaiset isänmaalliset järjestöt) olivatkin tärkeitä rajoittamisen kannattajia. Keskustelu maahanmuutosta painottui ideologisiin ja tunteellisiin kysymyksiin, mutta rajoitusten taustalla oli myös konkreettisempia tekijöitä. Yhteiskunnan teollistuminen ja kaupungistuminen olivat pienentäneet siirtolaisista koituvaa taloudellista hyötyä: siirtolaisia ei enää tarvittu raivaamaan uusia viljelysmaita, kun taas tuotannon koneistuminen vähensi työvoiman tarvetta huomattavasti. Pitkän aikavälin taloudellisten tekijöiden roolin merkitys käy ilmeiseksi kun otetaan huomioon, että muut maahanmuuttomaat (esim. Kanada ja Australia) eivät juuri rajoittaneet siirtolaisuutta tänä aikana vaikka niissäkin esiintyi runsaasti rodullista ja kulttuurista maahanmuuttajavastaisuutta. Pääsyy rajoitusten vähäisyyteen näissä maissa oli juuri maahanmuuttajien tuoma taloudellinen hyöty, sekä teollisena työvoimana että maanviljelijöinä. Vaikka kiintiölakiehdotusten ympärillä käytiin kiivasta väittelyä, kongressi kuitenkin hyväksyi lait varsin suurella enemmistöllä. Siirtolaisia itseään lukuunottamatta varsin harvat näkivät lait haitallisina, kun taas useat erilaiset ryhmät katsoivat hyötyvänsä maahanmuuton rajoittamisesta. Avainsanat: siirtolaisuus, maahanmuutto, Yhdysvallat, 1920-luku, kiintiölait, maahanmuuton rajoittaminen

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Public testimony by Prof. Briggs given before the Subcommittee on Immigration and Claims of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, April 5, 1995.

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"Since the founding days of the Republic, the relationship between American unionism and mass immigration has been contentious. No issue has caused the labor movement more agony and irony. It is no surprise, therefore, that throughout its history the American labor movement has sought to influence U.S. immigration policy."

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Collection consists largely of minutes and correspondence from the office of the Jewish Immigrant Information Bureau which administered the Galveston Immigration Plan. Includes correspondence among members of the JIIB, the Industrial Removal Office, the Hilfsverein de Deutschen Juden (Relief Organization of German Jews), the Jewish Colonization Society (ICA), and various Jewish organizations in the United States. Collection also contains many ship passenger lists.

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This thesis examines posting of workers within the free movement of services in the European Union. The emphasis is on the case law of the European Court of Justice and in the role it has played in the liberalisation of the service sector in respect of posting of workers. The case law is examined from two different viewpoints: firstly, that of employment law and secondly, immigration law. The aim is to find out how active a role the Court has taken with regard these two fields of law and what are the implications of the Court’s judgments for the regulation on a national level. The first part of the thesis provides a general review of the Community law principles governing the freedom to provide services in the EU. The second part presents the Posted Workers’ Directive and the case law of the European Court of Justice before and after the enactment of the Directive from the viewpoint of employment law. Special attention is paid to a recent judgment in which the Court has taken a restrictive position with regard to a trade union’s right to take collective action against a service provider established in another Member State. The third part of the thesis concentrates, firstly, on the legal status of non-EU nationals lawfully resident in the EU. Secondly, it looks into the question of how the Court’s case law has affected the possibilities to use non-EU nationals as posted workers within the freedom to provide services. The final chapter includes a critical analysis of the Court’s case law on posted workers. The judgments of the European Court of Justice are the principal source of law for this thesis. In the primary legislation the focus is on Articles 49 EC and 50 EC that lay down the rules concerning the free movement of services. Within the secondary legislation, the present work principally concentrates on the Posted Workers’ Directive. It also examines proposals of the European Commission and directives that have been adopted in the field of immigration. The conclusions of the case study are twofold: while in the field of employment law, the European Court of Justice has based its judgments on a very literal interpretation of the Posted Workers’ Directive, in the field of immigration its conclusions have been much more innovative. In both fields of regulation the Court’s judgments have far-reaching implications for the rules concerning posting of workers leaving very little discretion for the Member States’ authorities.

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How immigration affects the labor market of the host country is a topic of major concern for many immigrant-receiving nations. Spain is no exception following the rapid increase in immigrant flows experienced over the past decade. We assess the impact of immigration on Spanish natives’ income by estimating the net immigration surplus accruing at the national level and at high immigrant-receiving regions while taking into account the imperfect substitutability of immigrant and native labor. Specifically, using information on the occupational densities of immigrants and natives of different skill levels, we develop a mapping of immigrant-to-native self-reported skills that reveals the combination of natives across skills that would be equivalent to an immigrant of a given self-reported skill level, which we use to account for any differences between immigrant self-reported skill levels and their effective skills according to the Spanish labor market. We find that the immigrant surplus amounts to 0.04 percent of GDP at the national level and it is even higher for some of the main immigrant-receiving regions, such as Cataluña, Valencia, Madrid, and Murcia.