Immigration policy with partisan parties

This paper analyzes the political economy of immigration when the salient electoralissue is the level of immigrants and the relevant immigration policy is the expenditurein immigration control. We consider that immigration affects voters? welfarethrough economic and non economic factors. We model political competition `a laWittman with the ideology of parties endogenously determined at equilibrium. Atequilibrium, parties propose different levels of immigration, located to the left and tothe right of the median voter?s ideal point, and combine skilled and unskilled workersamong their constituencies. Numerical simulations provide the levels of immigrationproposed by the two parties and the composition of parties? constituencies as we varythe efficacy of immigration control and the intensity of immigration aversion.

A institucionalização de novas unidades político-administrativas no Estado de São Paulo: possibilidade da criação da região metropolitana de Sorocaba

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

The Electoral Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe: Ideological Parameters and Social Motivations

Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

Does illegal immigration empower rightist parties?

The main goal of this paper is to analyze the political outcome in countries where the relevant issue in elections is the control of immigration. In particular we explore the consequences on the political outcome of the fact that parties are either ideological or opportunistic with respect to this issue. In order to do that we use a simple two-party political competition model in which the issues over which parties take positions are the level of border enforcement and the way it has to be ?nanced. We show that an ideological rather than a pure opportunistic behavior gives parties an advantage to win the election. In particular, in most of the cases we consider we ?nd that rightist parties have an advantage to win in countries where the relevant issue in election is illegal immigration. This result may help us to understand the recent success of anti-immigrant and rightist parties in several countries.

Impact of the 1980 election on ideological liberal organizations

Throughout this section, I sought to establish a nexus between interest group theory and empirical observations. This in turn, would provide the framework from which I would set forth a series of hypotheses concerning the impact of the deviating 1980 elections on ideological liberal organizations. What I found in fact, was not just a link but a near perfect correlation between theory and practice, each reinforcing the other and pointing to the same ineluctable conclusion: The upshot of the Reagan/New Right landslide of 1980 was a dramatic renaissance of American liberalism. A renaissance so pervasive that ideological liberal organizations stand to benefit tremendously in terms of sustaining membership and raising funds. Moreover, it promises to facilitate the formation of liberal lobbying coalitions and enhance their capacity to cultivate grass roots support.

Política externa chilena e espectro ideológico político-partidário: um estudo sobre a Câmara dos Deputados (2002-2006)

The influence of political parties on decisions made by members of Congress is a hotly debated issue in political science. In foreign policy, which is usually considered nonpartisan, the matter is even more inconclusive. The current study analyzes all the roll-call votes taken on foreign policy issues in the 2002-2006 legislature of the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. After tracing a spatial map of foreign policy preferences among Chilean Deputies using the Nominate statistical package, we concluded that the ideology of the legislator's political party is a predictive factor for his or her foreign policy behavior. Our findings indicate that the way Chilean legislators structure their preferences on foreign policy issues does not differ significantly from the way they shape their domestic policy preferences.

Political Parties and Governors as Determinants of Legislative Behavior in Brazil`s Chamber of Deputies, 1988-2006

This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states` legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.

The Strength of Weak Parties

The Strength of Weak Parties The aim of this article is to fill some gaps in research on the Brazilian electoral arena. The current literature, by neglecting the study of party organization, ends up overlooking fundamental questions for understanding how the electoral process works. This study addressed two questions: How do Brazilian parties work? What is the impact of party organization on a party`s decision to launch or withhold a candidate in a given election? We intend to show that the parties have more life than many studies on our political system tend to show. This partisan life helps understand one of the central aspects of the electoral arena, that is, how pre-election coordination occurs.

Parties, governments and pollsters: A new form of patronage?

In its first term, the Howard government hired Australasian Research Strategies (ARS), headed by pollster Mark Textor, to conduct market research for several Commonwealth departments and agencies. This was, the Labor Opposition claimed, a case of the Liberals handing jobs to their 'mates'. Textor played a key role in the Liberals' 1996 and 1998 federal election campaigns. However, Labor's attack rings hollow since in the 1980s the Hawke government similarly contracted Rod Cameron's ANOP to conduct opinion research for Commonwealth departments and agencies. At the time Cameron was Labor's strategic pollster and centrally involved in planning Labor election campaigns. On both sides of Australian politics, governments have begun to channel patronage towards their party's pollsters. In this research note, we suggest that this development cannot be explained as 'jobs for the boys'. Instead, this new form of patronage has its roots in the vital role that pollsters now play in guiding election campaigns, and in the commercial reality that Australian politics provides too little work to sustain specialist political pollsters. Parties in government now appear to utilise incumbency to sustain an ongoing relationship with the commercial polling organisations like ANOP and ARS to whom they will entrust much of the planning of their campaign for re-election.

Mao's steps in Monroe's backyard: towards a United States-China hegemonic struggle in Latin America?

Contrary to what could be expected given the United States' historical hegemony of Latin America, growing Chinese influence in this region has not led to a dispute between China and the US. Despite activism of hard-line groups in the United States, both parties have faced the issue with noticeable pragmatism. This attitude could be explained by three variables: the US political negligence towards Latin America in the Post-Cold War, the focus of Sino-Latin American relations on economic rather than geopolitical or ideological affairs, and the scanty relevance of the region in the top priorities of overall Washington-Beijing relations.

Biomassa seca acumulada, partições e rendimento industrial da cana-de-açúcar irrigada no Semiárido brasileiro

Objetivou-se, com este trabalho, determinar parâmetros de crescimento e de rendimento da cana-de-açúcar cv. RB92579, sob regime de irrigação, no Semiárido brasileiro, visando a avaliar o desempenho desta cultura nas condições edafoclimáticas locais. Foram avaliados o acúmulo de biomassa seca e as suas respectivas partições, durante dois ciclos consecutivos de cana-de-açúcar (soca e ressoca), além dos indicadores de rendimento e de qualidade da cultura ao final do período experimental. Em ambos os ciclos, foram realizadas dez coletas de amostras para se determinar a biomassa seca de seis componentes estruturais dos perfilhos (folhas verdes, bainhas, parte emergente, pseudocolmos, folhas e bainhas mortas e colmo). A cana-de-açúcar apresentou elevado acúmulo de biomassa seca da parte aérea da planta, com valor médio de 6.493 g m-2 para os dois ciclos de cultivo. No início do seu crescimento, os fotoassimilados foram destinados prioritariamente às folhas verdes, bainhas, parte emergente e pseudocolmos. Em fase posterior de crescimento, os fotoassimilados passaram a ser utilizados na formação dos colmos. Os resultados obtidos foram muito semelhantes para os ciclos de soca e ressoca. Os modelos ajustados para descrever a evolução da biomassa seca e de suas respectivas partições apresentaram ajustes satisfatórios, em função dos dias após o corte. O elevado rendimento industrial (133,88 ± 40,84 t ha-1) e a alta concentração de sacarose por biomassa seca (0,34 ± 0,10 g g-1) proporcionaram valores elevados de produção de açúcar (17,75 ± 4,44 t ha-1) e de álcool (12,73 ± 3,23 t ha-1), indicando alto desempenho produtivo da RB92579 para a região.

O uso que os partidos políticos fazem do facebook

A dissertação que ora apresentamos é um requisito para a obtenção do grau de mestre em Gestão Estratégica das Relações Públicas, pelo Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa - Escola Superior de Comunicação Social. Intitulado ‘O Uso que os Partidos Políticos Portugueses fazem do Facebook’, este estudo foi desenvolvido para tentarmos analisar e perceber o que os partidos políticos comunicam pelas suas páginas oficiais e nacionais na maior rede social. Inserido num contexto altamente relacional, ideológico e informacional, num mundo global em constantes mutações, que papel dão as organizações políticas à ferramenta de comunicação que se tornou o Facebook? Dos resultados obtidos, percebemos que dos seis partidos políticos portugueses com assento parlamentar – PSD, PS, CDS-PP, PCP, BE e PEV – nem todos detinham páginas oficiais e nacionais no Facebook, sendo que aqueles que as detêm ainda não retiram total partido das potencialidades da ferramenta de comunicação directa, imediata e interactiva que é a rede social. Apesar do transversal reconhecimento da sua importância, os partidos portugueses relegam a importância da criação de relações duradouras com o público através do Facebook.

Adaptation and Localization of Open Source ERPs - The case of Parties in OFBiz

O software tem vindo a tornar-se uma parte importante de qualquer empresa, cobrindo várias áreas funcionais, tais como manufaturação, vendas ou recursos humanos. O facto de uma empresa possuir um software capaz de ligar todas ou a maior parte das suas áreas funcionais e de acomodar as suas regras de negócio permite que estas tenham acesso a dados em tempo real nos quais se podem basear para tomar decisões. Estes tipos de software podem ser categorizados como Enterprise resource planning (ERP). Tendo em conta que estes tipos de software têm um papel importante dentro de uma empresa, a aquisição dos mesmos é algo que deve ser bem estudado. As grandes empresas normalmente optam pela aquisição de soluções comerciais uma vez que estas tendem a ter mais funcionalidades, maior suporte e certificações. Os ERPs comerciais representam, no entanto, um esforço elevado para que a sua compra possa ser feita, o que limita a possibilidade de aquisição dos mesmos por parte de pequenas ou médias empresas. No entanto, tal como acontece com a maior parte dos tipos de software, existem alternativas open-source. Se nos colocássemos na posição de uma pequena empresa, a tentar iniciar o seu negócio em Portugal, que tipo de ERP seria suficiente para os nossos requisitos? Teríamos que optar por comprar uma solução comercial, ou uma solução open-source seria suficiente? E se optássemos por desenvolver uma solução à medida? Esta tese irá responder a estas questões focando-se apenas num dos componentes base de qualquer ERP, a gestão de entidades. O componente de gestão de entidades é responsável por gerir todas as entidades com as quais a empresa interage abrangindo colaboradores, clientes, fornecedores, etc. A nível de funcionalidades será feita uma comparação entre um ERP comercial e um ERP open-source. Como os ERPs tendem a ser soluções muito genéricas é comum que estes não implementem todos os requisitos de um negócio em particular, como tal os ERPs precisam de ser extensíveis e adaptáveis. Para perceber até que ponto a solução open-source é extensível será feita uma análise técnica ao seu código fonte e será feita uma implementação parcial de um gerador de ficheiros de auditoria requerido pela lei Portuguesa, o SAF-T (PT). Ao estudar e adaptar a solução open-source podemos especificar o que teria que ser desenvolvido para podermos criar uma solução à medida de raiz.