36 resultados para hagiography
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This doctoral dissertation aims at describing the representation of holy harlots (Mary Magdalene, Mary of Egypt, Pelagia, Thai's, Afra of Augsburg) in medieval English hagiography. These saints are unique representatives that combine both extremes of the feminine in the medieval imaginaire: she is both, as a saint, the Virgin Mary, the pure and virtuous woman, and, in her past as a prostitute, Eve, the evil female tempter who led all mankind to destruction. The initial question of this thesis is how did hagiographers negotiate the representation of a formerly sinful, sexually active, long- living woman as an authoritative saint? This thesis aims at finding elements of answer to this question, investigating the intersections between gender and authority in the saints' lives of repentant prostitutes in all the vernaculars of medieval England: Old English, Anglo-Norman, and Middle English. It posits that the portrayal of holy harlots' authority and gender is dependent upon social, religious and literary shifts during the medieval period. My contention is that the harlot's gender portrayal changes over the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, due notably to the rise of affective piety and the important influence of the romance genre over hagiography. In Anglo-Saxon England, the harlot's gender changes with the saint's conversion: a woman beforehand, her gender is portrayed after her repentance as ambiguous in order for her to become a saint. Her authority derives from her own sanctity in this case. From the twelfth century onward, however, the harlot, now often turned into a beautiful and landed romance lady, is more and more represented as a woman throughout her life, and becomes after her conversion a Bride of Christ. In this way, the dangerously free woman who roamed the streets and prostituted her body becomes less threatening after her conversion, being (re-)inscribed within the male dominated institution of marriage. She now draws her authoritative stance from her gendered intimacy with Christ: although she submits to Christ as his bride, she also gains greater authority than before by way of her privileged relationship with the Savior.
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Para o caso dos Eremitas de Santo Agostinho, o texto seiscentista de Frei Aleixo de Meneses acerca de Beatriz Vaz de Oliveira, constitui o mais significativo exemplo da literatura hagiográfica feminina daquela ordem.
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In 1345, the unique worship of Saint Charlemagne was institutionalized in the cathedral of Gerona. The roots (and for many, the reasons) of this celebration are found in the existence of an old local legend, the well-known testimonies to which go back to the eleventh century. Nevertheless, a lengthy analysis of the facts that marked the life of the cathedral during the long permanence Amau de Montrodon had there—first in quality of canon (1297-1335) and later as bishop (1333-1348)- make it possible for us to verify that the promotion of the cult to San Charlemagne falls within a complex program of ideological and symbolic exaltation of the See of Girona that was designed by this notable and restlessly active ecclesiastic
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The De calcatione demonum seu malignorum spirituum was written in 1457 by Nicolas Jacquier, one year before his most famous work, the Flagellum hereticorum fascinariorum. The De calcatione offers initial reflections by the Burgundian dominican inquisitor on diabolical modes of actions directed at human beings and on the means at the disposal of priests and their faithful to control, expel, and trample (calcare) them. This relatively unknown text is produced at a time when purely demonological issues are linked to those on diabolical witchcraft and the sabbath. The author tries in particular to promote the idea of trampling demons, which is understood as their punishment. Now vanquished, demons are compelled to serve divine truth. In a climate of skepticism about the need to fight withcraft, the De calcatione offers an interesting reflexion about the truth status of diabolical and heretical discourses when submitted to divine power. This reflexion is based on the model of the positive figure of the possessed from exampla and from dominican hagiography. The treatise therefore aims to counter the tradition of the Episcopi canon which argues for the illusory nature of demons. Instead, it offers an argument about the reality of their actions on the occasion of the sabbat
Resumo:
RÉSUMÉ Forme littéraire développée dès les débuts du IVe siècle, l’hagiographie, plus tard sanctionnée par l’Église catholique romaine, se déploie avec tout le rituel et le décorum requis par le genre institué, dévoilant les modalités du savoir et du croire qui la distingue. Cette forme fixe fut réactivée, contre toute attente, dans une somme étoffée durant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle par le Collège de ‘Pataphysique, aréopage de philosophes, littérateurs et plasticiens, qui n’est pas un conclave d’excentriques, pas davantage qu’un nouvel « isme », mais une institution qui résolument emblématise la Science. Ce réemploi générique de l’hagiographie est caractérisé par une hétérogénéité bien peu canonique s’inscrivant dans une continuité problématique par rapport au sous-texte. Une première traversée du Calendrier inviterait à croire à une entreprise parodique et iconoclaste. La parodie, qui est aussi une imitation, pose un problème de visée. Le second degré de Gérard Genette implique deux grands régimes discursifs : le sérieux (le sérieux proprement dit et le satirique) et le ludique. Ces régimes nous ont été utiles pour arrimer la question de l’humour. Il y a là en somme deux possibilités, soit la parodie sérieuse conduisant à ridiculiser l’hagiographie et le Calendrier des Saints qui seraient sérieusement visés, néantisés, tournés en dérision; soit la parodie ludique, à portée nulle, simple jeu, farce farfelue, « pour rire ». Or, nous avons tenté de démontrer dans ce mémoire que, même s’il y a lieu d’avancer des arguments en faveur de l’un et de l’autre type de parodie, le partage ne fonctionne pas, précisément peut-être parce qu’il est possible de montrer à la fois que c’est sérieux et pas sérieux. Dans un troisième temps, on peut aussi faire la démonstration que le pas-sérieux est sérieux. Les jeux de mots, d’homophonie n’engagent-ils pas le Verbe? L’imitation impossible ne réfléchit-elle pas les imitabile de la Sainte Église? La situation énonciatrice tributaire de l’hagiographie pataphysique est non différentiable d’un souci de didactisme qui place la composante moralisatrice au centre des enjeux discursifs. Elle induit de ce fait des attentes en matière d’ethos consistant à mettre au même diapason une représentation sociale de l’énonciateur et une représentation intradiscursive au ton didactique. Elle adjoint un autre ton, savant celui-là, érudit, qui vient défaire la belle convergence et fait disjoncter la rhétorique du genre. Cette rhétoricité problématique de l’hagiographie pataphysique a été abordée sous l’angle de l’ethos. L’ethos est l’instance de validation par laquelle nous renvoyons non pas au caractère de l’orateur, mais, suivant en cela Dominique Maingueneau, au type de parole engendrée par le discours et qui, en retour, rend ce discours crédible. Que devient cette instance lorsque la visée persuasive du discours est remise en question, que l’ethos se démultiplie de façon hétérogène sans véritablement assurer la cohésion du propos ni garantir sa portée? La parodie posant incidemment un problème de visée, est-ce du côté d’un ethos parodique que se trouve la réponse? Il nous a convenu de mesurer, d’articuler, de déplacer cette postulation. Nous nous sommes saisi, pour les besoins de notre argumentation, d’une discipline historiquement lourde d’investissement théorique, soit la rhétorique. Celle-ci constitue à la fois une méthode de composition d’un discours reposant sur des lieux susceptibles de susciter l’adhésion et l’émulation de l’énonciataire et une méthode d’analyse. Guidé par une définition étendue du texte, traversant les littératures non narrative et narrative, il nous a importé enfin de restituer la pratique cymbaliste à partir d’un corpus qui est resté l’apanage du « seul » pataphysicien. Nous nous sommes ainsi situé dans l’horizon plus global de la réceptivité d’un discours qui évacue l’idéologique, qui jamais ne se laisse saisir tout à fait, ni enferrer par le fétiche du sens au profit des potentialités qu’il recèle, et cela à partir d’axiomes arbitraires soumis à l’unique exigence de cohérence interne.
Resumo:
A dependência etimológica entre Iria e Santarém é tradicionalmente aceite entre os historiadores, que argumentam ser a tese comprovada pelas fontes medievais, quer árabes, quer cristãs. Mas as fontes árabes não corroboram esta dedução, já que ao referirem-se ao topónimo Shantarîn, Yâqût al-Hamawî (1179-1229) diz apenas tratar--se da articulação das palavras Shanta e Rîn, sendo abusivo e até inocente ver na sua explicação toponímica qualquer referência a uma santa de nome Iria.
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Con la escritura de Plácido, novela (1871), Francisco Campos empleó la hagiografía y la retórica como una forma de articular el pensamiento para promover la acción social frente a las dificultades de su realidad. Recurrió a esta forma de escritura para difundir su mensaje y contribuir como intelectual a crear sujetos ideales para el Estado nacional.
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The aim of this study is to understand the version of St. Francis of Assisi created by Friar Thomas of Celano in his hagiographic works. That study also it examines how the Order of Friars Minor and the Papacy have understood the relationship between Christians and the world and turned thisunderstanding in a version of the Saint. Factors such as the replacement of Neoplatonism byAristotelianism as philosophical paradigm and economic and social changes have contributed to change the interpretation of the biblical mandate to not love the world , no longer interpreted as materiality, but as an order for Christians to flee sin. The rejection of the world was replaced by a greater appreciation of nature and society. Moreover, increasingly, the body went from enemy to friend, becoming the brotherbody. Such analysis is important to review the idea, so common in the historiography of what MaxWeber called Worldly Asceticism, the Christian life lived in society, only emerged in Protestantism in opposition to monasticism. The mendicant orders, especially the minority tried during the thirteenth century, the period of analysis of this work, experience the loving nature of Christianity and acting,through preaching and charity in the cities.To make this work, were analyzed the hagiographic discourse (on San Francisco) made by Thomas of Celano, Vita beati Francisci (called Vita Prima) and Memorial in desideiro anime (named Vita Secunda) and, from this, understand the Celano´s interpretation on how it should be the Christian's relationship with the world. The world ceased to be adistorted reflection of a perfect reality, becoming the perfect reflection of God's goodness.
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O texto pretende realizar uma interpretação da narrativa de viagem ao Paraíso Terrestre cistercience Vida de Santo Amaro, à luz da história portuguesa entre os séculos XIII e XV, apontando as relações existentes entre pensamento histórico e pensamento mítico na passagem do processo de Reconquista para os Descobrimentos, vivenciados ao longo da história das diferentes versões escritas da fonte analisada.
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A partir da consideração do mais importante exemplar da hagiografia medieval, a Legenda aurea do dominicano Jacopo de Varazze, o texto pretende discorrer sobre os diversos níveis de erudição dos clérigos cristãos no século XIII e sua importância para a consideração das fontes documentais do período.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)