Universal exhibitions and the cinema: history and culture

The objective of this article is to examine the presence of cinema in World Fairs between the 1893 World`s Columbian Exposition in Chicago and 1939 (the New York World`s Fair). As an integral part of a visual culture constructed by these spaces to celebrate capitalism, the trajectory of cinema is identified with these world fairs due to its ability to entertain and, at the same time, to educate. Cinema was established as a means of mass communication during the First World War and afterwards would participate more actively in the symbolic disputes of a world about to enter the second global conflict. It would reach a broader public, becoming the main `showcase` in which nations projected virtues to be celebrated. The new striking visual spectacle assumed, within this context, greater emphasis through films idealized as true cinematographic monuments.

Guerra en el siglo XXI: asimetría, revolución y terrorismo

Este ensayo discute dos aspectos relacionados con la naturaleza de la guerra contemporánea: el tipo de guerra que se está luchando y el rol de lo militar en dicha guerra. Si el terrorismo es interpretado como una aproximación táctica de las organizaciones que subvierten el orden público internacional, entonces el concepto de asimetría no proporciona nuevos elementos al desarrollo del pensamiento estratégico moderno. La naturaleza de una guerra revolucionaria resulta una noción más poderosa, pero no permite generalizaciones para la construcción de un modelo de conflicto global. A falta de un mejor concepto, el terrorismo aparece en una era posmilitar donde las fuerzas armadas desempeñan un rol esencial para los gobiernos democráticos a través de la política exterior.-----This essay discusses two questions related to contemporary warfare: The kind of war being fought and the role of the military in such a war. If terrorism is taken to be a tactical approach undertaken by organizations bent on subverting the international public order, then the concept of asymmetry adds little to the development of modern strategic thought. Revolutionary warfare is a more potent notion, but does not allow for generalizations given current pattern of global conflict. For lack of a better concept, terrorism appears in a post-military era where the armed forces play an enabling role for democratic governments through international policing.

Conflicto por el agua: un análisis geopolítico al sistema Tigris-Éufrates. 1990-2003

El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar la situación vivida entre los Estados de la cuenca del Sistema Tigris-Éufrates, un recurso hídrico transfronterizo entre 1990 y el 2003. Se estudia y explica cómo el Interés Nacional de Turquía, Siria e Irak, Estados ribereños del Sistema supuso un obstáculo para la implementación de la Gestión Integrada de Recursos Hídricos sobre la cuenca, al impedir la cooperación y coordinación de las políticas gubernamentales, dificultando la protección de la cuenca y la garantía del acceso al recurso de forma equitativa. Este trabajo se enmarca en los estudios sobre Seguridad Ambiental, particularmente en la teoría de la Escasez Ambiental de Thomas Homer-Dixon y el Grupo de Toronto, referente a la relación entre la escasez de un recurso natural renovable y el surgimiento de un conflicto.

Comentario Internacional: revista del Centro Andino de Estudios Internacionales. 4 (Reseñas)

Presenta las reseñas de los siguientes libros: MONTÚFAR, CÉSAR. HACIA UNA TEORÍA DE LA ASISTENCIA INTERNACIONAL PARA EL DESARROLLO. UN ANÁLISIS DESDE SU RETÓRICA, CENTRO ANDINO DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES, UNIVERSIDAD ANDINA SIMÓN BOLÍVAR, SEDE ECUADOR/CORPORACIÓN EDITORA NACIONAL, QUITO, 2002, 264 PP. -- INTEGRACIÓN y SUPRANACIONALIDAD. SOBERANÍA y DERECHO COMUNITARIO EN LOS PAÍSES ANDINOS, SECRETARÍA GENERAL DE LA COMUNIDAD ANDINA y PROGRAMA DE COOPERACIÓN ANDINA A BOLIVIA, PCAB, LIMA, 2001, 234 PP. -- MARIO GUERRERO MURGUEYTIO, EL ECUADOR EN LA CUENCA DEL PACÍFICO: POLÍTICA y PRESENCIA, MINISTERIO DE RELACIONES EXTERIORES DE LA REPÚBLICA DEL ECUADOR, QUITO, 2001, 401 PP. -- KLARE, MICHAEL T., RESOURCE WARS: THE NEW LANDSCAPE OF GLOBAL CONFLICT, METROPOLITAN OWL BOOK. HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY, N.Y., 2002, 289 PP.

Terrestrial carnivores and human food production: impact and management

1. The production of food for human consumption has led to an historical and global conflict with terrestrial carnivores, which in turn has resulted in the extinction or extirpation of many species, although some have benefited. At present, carnivores affect food production by: (i) killing human producers; killing and/or eating (ii) fish/shellfish; (iii) game/wildfowl; (iv) livestock; (v) damaging crops; (vi) transmitting diseases; and (vii) through trophic interactions with other species in agricultural landscapes. Conversely, carnivores can themselves be a source of dietary protein (bushmeat). 2. Globally, the major areas of conflict are predation on livestock and the transmission of rabies. At a broad scale, livestock predation is a customary problem where predators are present and has been quantified for a broad range of carnivore species, although the veracity of these estimates is equivocal. Typically, but not always, losses are small relative to the numbers held, but can be a significant proportion of total livestock mortality. Losses experienced by producers are often highly variable, indicating that factors such as husbandry practices and predator behaviour may significantly affect the relative vulnerability of properties in the wider landscape. Within livestock herds, juvenile animals are particularly vulnerable. 3. Proactive and reactive culling are widely practised as a means to limit predation on livestock and game. Historic changes in species' distributions and abundance illustrate that culling programmes can be very effective at reducing predator density, although such substantive impacts are generally considered undesirable for native predators. However, despite their prevalence, the effectiveness, efficiency and the benefit:cost ratio of culling programmes have been poorly studied. 4. A wide range of non-lethal methods to limit predation has been studied. However, many of these have their practical limitations and are unlikely to be widely applicable. 5. Lethal approaches are likely to dominate the management of terrestrial carnivores for the foreseeable future, but animal welfare considerations are increasingly likely to influence management strategies. The adoption of non-lethal approaches will depend upon proof of their effectiveness and the willingness of stakeholders to implement them, and, in some cases, appropriate licensing and legislation. 6. Overall, it is apparent that we still understand relatively little about the importance of factors affecting predation on livestock and how to manage this conflict effectively. We consider the following avenues of research to be essential: (i) quantified assessments of the loss of viable livestock; (ii) landscape-level studies of contiguous properties to quantify losses associated with variables such as different husbandry practices; (iii) replicated experimental manipulations to identify the relative benefit of particular management practices, incorporating (iv) techniques to identify individual predators killing stock; and (v) economic analyses of different management approaches to quantify optimal production strategies.

The impact of information and communication technology (ICT), education and regulation on economic freedom in Islamic Middle Eastern countries

Our study investigated the impact of ICT expansion on economic freedom in the Middle East (Bahrain, Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen). Our empirical analysis used archival data from 1995 to 2005; it showed that ICT expansion in the Middle East has been effective both in bridging the digital divide and also in promoting economic freedom in a region that was vulnerable to political, social, and global conflict. However, differences between countries, such as the educational attainment of their citizens and institutional resistance to technology acceptance, both enhanced and restricted the relationship between ICT and economic freedom.

Empleo de la diplomacia preventiva por parte de la Organización de Naciones Unidas en el conflicto de Kosovo de 1998-1999

En el interés de alcanzar la estabilidad y promover el mantenimiento de la paz internacional, la diplomacia preventiva nace como un concepto generador de estrategias encaminadas a actuar antes, durante y después del conflicto. El siguiente documento busca analizar el funcionamiento de los instrumentos de diplomacia preventiva empleados por las Naciones Unidas en la crisis de Kosovo de 1998 y 1999. Esta crisis surgida a raíz del conflicto entre el gobierno serbio y un movimiento disidente, conocido como el Ejército de Liberación Albano-Kosovar, que pretendía darle un perfil más autónomo al territorio y a la población albano-kosovar, reveló una serie de debilidades estructurales que sigue enfrentando este mecanismo en la resolución de conflictos étnicos al interior de los Estados.

Incidencia de la gestión de Frontex y el gobierno italiano en la acentuación de la crisis humanitaria de la Isla de Lampedusa entre 2011 y 2015

El presente estudio de caso busca examinar la incidencia de las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo implementadas por el Frontex y el gobierno Italiano en las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia de los migrantes irregulares, económicos y solicitantes de asilo en la Isla de Lampedusa, en el periodo 2011-2015. De esta manera, se identifican las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo implementadas por Frontex y el gobierno Italiano. Se examina la situación de la seguridad humana en la crisis migratoria de la Isla, y se analiza la relación entre las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo y las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia de los migrantes. El resultado de la investigación permite plasmar, las consecuencias negativas que han tenido las medidas migratorias en cuanto a las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia, lo que ha desembocado en una crisis humanitaria.

Global citizens or faraway viewers? São Paulo residents talk about the 2006 Lebanon conflict

As the emergence of a global public sphere becomes a possibility, growing out of denser economic, political and communicative networks as well as demanded by increasingly complex international problems, questions arise about the capacity and willingness of various national publics to engage in the global debate. This paper shows the results of a news reception analysis with the public of the city of São Paulo, Brazil during the months of July-November 2006, when the Lebanon conflict was broadly covered by the Brazilian media. The paper identifies the modes of engagement with the news about the international conflict, the types of reasoning used by these publics in interpreting the news, and the types of debates and conversations they have or don't have about the conflict. Special attention is given to the personal experience of learning about conflicts abroad and to the relationship between this experience and the construction of a new civic identity where participation in global affairs is an important element. The research shows that São Paulo residents are informed and care about international events, but to a large extent lack the resources and the spaces where they could reflect upon them. It also shows that young people tend to experience global events more intensely as part of their world than the general population. © 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.

Romanian street beggars in Stockholm. A conflict between global city aspirations and informal livelihoods.

This thesis is looking into the issue of Romanian street beggars in Stockholm, Sweden. In the last couple of years there was an increase in the number of beggars in the Swedish capital, while most of them seem to come from Romania. This lead quickly to a national debate. The aim of the paper is to shed some light on this issue and see why it is a problem and for whom, looking at three main stakeholders: the state, the activists and the beggars. The theoretical framework for this project is mainly based on the concept of the conflict of rationalities, with Stockholm as an aspiring global city and those which are begging as livelihood strategy. The data is collected mainly through semi-structured interviews, informal interviews and personal observations. Also, the literature review provides context and brings similar examples for a better grasp of the situation in Sweden. The results show that Stockholm sends a branded image of itself to the world, while the new type of migrant is in conflict with this view. The activists try to make the life better for the beggars which are virtually not doing anything illegal. The Swedish state opened discussions with the Romanian state, but did nothing to integrate the newcomers. In this case, the beggars share similar experience in the city.

Conceptualizing American power and security in a post -9/11 security context: Conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001–present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Conceptualizing American power and security in a post-9/11 security context : conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001-present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Economic incentives for global conservation of wildlife: New international policy directions

Growing economic globalisation by extending the operation of markets is a two-edged sword as far as nature conservation is concerned. In some circumstances, it threatens the conservation of nature and in other cases, it provides economic incentives that foster the conservation of biodiversity. This article shows how global policy directions have altered in that regard. Initially the World Conservation Union (IUCN) favoured bans on trade in endangered species. This view was enshrined in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). Subsequently, with the upsurge of support for market-based economic liberalism, IUCN recognised that economic and market incentives, if linked to appropriate property rights, could foster biodiversity conservation. This is reflected in the International Convention on Biological Diversity. While there is conflict between this convention and CITES, its extent has been exaggerated. As explained, in certain cases, trade restrictions of the type adopted in CITES are appropriate for nature conservation whereas the market-oriented policy of the Convention on Biological Diversity can be effective in some different situations. Whether or not the extension of markets in wildlife and wildlife products and growing economic globalisation favours nature conservation varies according to the circumstances.