1000 resultados para democratic centre
Resumo:
The European Union (EU) is widely acknowledged as a successful example of economic and political integration of nation states today – a slate of democratic institutions such as the European Parliament have also been developed and European citizens now possess extensive political and civil rights by virtue of the introduction of European citizenship. Nevertheless, the EU is said to suffer from a so called “democratic deficit” even as it seeks deeper and closer integration. Decades of institutional design and elite closed-door decisions has taken its toll on the inclusion and integration of European citizens in social and political life, with widening socio-economic inequalities and the resurgence of extreme-right parties during in the wake of the debt crisis in the Eurozone. This paper attempts to evaluate the democratic development of the EU through the use of a process-oriented approach, and concludes at the end with discussions on the various options that the EU and its citizens can take to reform democratic processes and institutions in Europe.
Resumo:
Les inégalités économiques se traduisent-elles dans des inégalités politiques à travers le processus de représentation électorale? Telle est la question centrale de cette thèse qui s'attache, par ailleurs, à investiguer les mécanismes qui tendent à produire une représentation biaisée des préférences politiques des citoyens en fonction de leur statut économique. Focalisé sur le cas de la Suisse et faisant usage des données de l'enquête postélectorale Selects de 2007, ce travail démontre que sur les rares sujets qui divisent les citoyens selon des clivages économiques - la redistribution des richesses et la sécurité sociale en particulier - les élus à l'Assemblée fédérale ont des préférences qui reflètent mieux les opinions des citoyens les plus riches. Cette sous-représentation des opinions des citoyens modestes et de ceux faisant partie du centre de la distribution des revenus peut en partie être attribuée à des différences dans les taux de participation et de connaissance politiques entre ces groupes de citoyens. La thèse met également en évidence le rôle joué par la représentation descriptive - autrement dit, la similitude en termes de statut économique entre les représentants et les représentés - dans la représentation des opinions et intérêts des citoyens. Par ailleurs, la structure du système partisan en Suisse ne reflétant pas la multidimensionnalité des préférences politiques des citoyens, les électeurs ne parviennent pas à traduire la complexité de leurs préférences politiques dans un choix de vote, ce qui, dans la configuration actuelle des forces politiques, tend à favoriser l'élection de représentants aux opinions proches de la droite sur les questions économiques. Enfin, une analyse de la représentation politique au niveau cantonal tend à soutenir la thèse selon laquelle le manque de régulation en matière de financement des partis en Suisse pourrait partiellement expliquer les inégalités dans la représentation des opinions politiques des citoyens aux revenus distincts. - Do economic inequalities translate into political inequalities through electoral representation? This is the central research question of this thesis, which also investigates the mechanisms that lead to potential economically based inequalities in the representation of citizens' policy preferences. Focusing on the case of Switzerland and making use of data provided by the post- electoral survey Selects 2007, this research demonstrates that regarding the rare policy domains in which the preferences of citizens are clearly linked to economic cleavages - redistribution and social security in particular - members of the Federal Assembly have policy preferences that best reflect the policy preferences of richer citizens. The under-representation of the opinions of relatively poor citizens and of those being the in the middle of the income distribution can be to some extent be explained by differences in political participation and political information across income groups. The thesis also puts forward the role played by descriptive representation - the similarity between representatives and represented in terms of their socioeconomic status - for the representation of citizens' preferences and interests. In addition, the structure of the party system in Switzerland does not reflect the multidimensionality of policy preferences among citizens who, as a result, have a hard time translating their complex preferences into a vote choice. Given the configuration of political actors, this tends to favour the election of representatives from the right who do not represent the preferences of their voters on economic issues. Finally, an analysis of representation at the cantonal level tends to confirm that the lack of party finance regulations in Switzerland may partially explain inequalities in the representation of citizens with different levels of income.
Resumo:
Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.
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The 1992 Maastricht Treaty introduced the concept of European Union citizenship. All citizens of the 28 EU member states are also EU citizens through the very fact that their countries are members of the EU. Acquired EU citizenship gives them the right to free movement, settlement and employment across the EU, the right to vote in European elections, and also on paper the right to consular protection from other EU states' embassies when abroad. The concept of citizenship in Europe – and indeed anywhere in the world – has been evolving over the years, and continues to evolve. Against this time scale, the concept of modern citizenship as attached to the nation-state would seem ephemeral. The idea of EU citizenship therefore does not need to be regarded as a revolutionary phenomenon that is bound to mitigate against the natural inclination of European citizens towards national identities, especially in times of economic and financial crises. In fact, the idea of EU citizenship has even been criticised by some scholars as being of little substantive value in addition to whatever rights and freedoms European citizens already have. Nonetheless the ‘constitutional moment’ that the Maastricht Treaty achieved for the idea of EU citizenship has served more than just symbolic value – the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights is now legally binding, for instance. The idea of EU citizenship also put pressure on the Union and its leaders to address the perceived democratic deficit that the EU is often accused of. In attempts to cement the political rights of EU citizens, the citizens’ initiative was included in Lisbon Treaty allowing citizens to directly lobby the European Commission for new policy initiatives or changes.
Resumo:
The role of national parliaments in the EU has been at the centre of a long debate. Since the Maastricht treaty, new powers to the EU level have been accompanied not only by an increasing role of the European Parliament (EP) in the legislative process, but also by a number of declarations and protocols to ensure that national parliaments received the information and documents required to effectively monitor their governments in EU affairs. The Lisbon Treaty extended the guarantees and also included new modes of direct participation. The proper use of the mechanisms in place, namely, the subsidiarity checks, the political dialogue with the Commission and the inter-parliamentary cooperation with the European Parliament, has become of vital importance in view of recent developments in EU economic policy and beyond. The choice for increasing inter-governmentalism in decision-making and the centralisation of the implementing and supervisory powers in the Commission and the Central Bank have raised questions about political accountability and the appropriate involvement of parliaments. However, the extent to which national parliaments should be more involved is also rather controversial. This essay examines the difficulty of defining and addressing the question of the democratic legitimacy in the EU. It examines the role of the national parliaments in the treaties and explores ways in which they can contribute to improving that legitimacy.
Resumo:
The 1992 Maastricht Treaty introduced the concept of European Union citizenship. All citizens of the 28 EU member states are also EU citizens through the very fact that their countries are members of the EU. Acquired EU citizenship gives them the right to free movement, settlement and employment across the EU, the right to vote in European elections, and also on paper the right to consular protection from other EU states' embassies when abroad. The concept of citizenship in Europe – and indeed anywhere in the world – has been evolving over the years, and continues to evolve. Against this time scale, the concept of modern citizenship as attached to the nation-state would seem ephemeral. The idea of EU citizenship therefore does not need to be regarded as a revolutionary phenomenon that is bound to mitigate against the natural inclination of European citizens towards national identities, especially in times of economic and financial crises. In fact, the idea of EU citizenship has even been criticised by some scholars as being of little substantive value in addition to whatever rights and freedoms European citizens already have. Nonetheless the ‘constitutional moment’ that the Maastricht Treaty achieved for the idea of EU citizenship has served more than just symbolic value – the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights is now legally binding, for instance. The idea of EU citizenship also put pressure on the Union and its leaders to address the perceived democratic deficit that the EU is often accused of. In attempts to cement the political rights of EU citizens, the citizens’ initiative was included in Lisbon Treaty allowing citizens to directly lobby the European Commission for new policy initiatives or changes.
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En raison du virage semi-autoritaire de l’État russe au début des années 2000, l’adaptation aux mesures contraignantes de l’État, qu’elle soit consciente ou inconsciente, constitue un aspect fondamental du quotidien des ONG de défense des droits de l’homme russes. Cependant, il s’agit d’une question jusqu’ici négligée dans la littérature scientifique. Ainsi, ce mémoire a pour objet d’examiner la démarche d’adaptation d’une ONG particulièrement active sur la scène russe, le Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial, entre 1999 et 2014. La recherche révèle que cette ONG emploie deux méthodes afin de s’adapter aux mesures étatiques et que celles-ci sont, en fait, des principes d’action adoptés par l’organisation au moment de sa création. Le premier principe d’action s’appuie sur la coopération et la solidarité développées par le Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial avec d’autres ONG russes, des ONG internationales et des organisations internationales. En partenariat avec ces organisations, le Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial élabore des activités de recherche et de plaidoyer et mène des missions de surveillance des droits de l’homme. Ce principe d’action renforce considérablement la capacité d’adaptation de l’ONG et favorise l’exercice de son rôle de contrepouvoir. Le second principe d’action se fonde sur la recherche de collaboration constructive avec l’État. Lors d’interactions ponctuelles avec les autorités, l’organisation exerce un rôle d’expert en matière de droits de l’homme et tente de réduire les entraves posées à la société civile. Outre sa propriété adaptative, cette méthode d’adaptation combine deux fonctions inhérentes à la société civile, soit la représentation des intérêts des citoyens auprès des instances étatiques et l’établissement d’un partenariat avec l’État dans le but d’amener ce dernier à adopter des pratiques démocratiques. Ce mémoire montre la capacité du Centre des droits de l’homme Memorial à se mouvoir d’une méthode d’adaptation à l’autre afin de maximiser son action.
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INTRODUCTION: Data is scarce regarding adverse events (AE) of biological therapy used in the management of Crohn's Disease (CD) among Brazilian patients. OBJECTIVES: To analyse AE prevalence and profile in patients with CD treated with Infliximab (IFX) or Adalimumab (ADA) and to verify whether there are differences between the two drugs. METHOD: Retrospective observational single-centre study of CD patients on biological therapy. Variables analysed: Demographic data, Montreal classification, biological agent administered, treatment duration, presence and type of AE and the need for treatment interruption. RESULTS: Forty-nine patients were analysed, 25 treated with ADA and 24 with IFX. The groups were homogeneous in relation to the variables studied. The average follow-up period for the group treated with ADA was 19.3 months and 21.8 months for the IFX group (p = 0.585). Overall, 40% (n = 10) of patients taking ADA had AE compared with 50% (n = 12) of IFX users (p = 0.571). There was a tendency towards higher incidence of cutaneous and infusion reactions in the IFX group and higher incidence of infections in the ADA treated group, although without significant difference. CONCLUSIONS: No difference was found in the AE prevalence and profile between ADA and IFX CD patients in the population studied.
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Objective: to explore the reasons why women with previous hospital experience seek care at a birth centre, and their perceptions related to the care received in both settings. Design, setting and participants in-depth interviews focusing on the care experiences of 18 women who received birth care in a birth centre of the Brazilian public health system. Findings: three key themes emerged from the analysis: ‘Confrontation with strong problems in the hospital setting’, ‘Reasons to seek the birth centre’ and ‘Satisfaction related to birth centre care’. The main aspects that the mothers mentioned in the first and third themes were related to the institutional structure and system of care. Key conclusions and implications for practice mothers’ narratives suggested that their previous experience of problems in the hospital setting was the main motive for seeking care at the birth centre. The most important components of birth care were attention, meeting personal care demands and establishment of an adequate interpersonal relationship. More sensitive birthing care in the hospital setting is necessary, and this can be promoted through continuing professional education
Resumo:
Context. X-ray data analysis have found that fairly complex structures at cluster centres are more common than expected. Many of these structures have similar morphologies, which exhibit spiral-like substructure. Aims. It is not yet well known how these structures are formed or maintained. Understanding the origin of these spiral-like features at the centre of some clusters is the major motivation behind this work. Methods. We analyse deep Chandra observations of 15 nearby galaxy clusters ( 0.01 < z < 0.06), and use X-ray temperature and substructure maps to detect small features at the cores of the clusters. Results. We detect spiral-like features at the centre of 7 clusters: A85, A426, A496, Hydra A cluster, Centaurus, Ophiuchus, and A4059. These patterns are similar to those found in numerical hydrodynamic simulations of cluster mergers with non-zero impact parameter. In some clusters of our sample, a strong radio source also occupies the inner region of the cluster, which indicates a possible connection between the two. Our investigation implies that these spiral-like structures may be caused by off-axis minor mergers. Since these features occur in regions of high density, they may confine radio emission from the central galaxy producing, in some cases, unusual radio morphology.
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Objective: to identify risk factors associated with neonatal transfers from a free-standing birth centre to a hospital. Design: epidemiological case-control study. Setting: midwifery-led free-standing birth centre in Sao Paulo, Brazil. Participants: 96 newborns were selected from 2840 births between September 1998 and August 2005. Cases were defined as all new borns transferred from the birth centre to a hospital (n = 32), and controls were defined as new borns delivered at the same birth centre, during the same time period, and who had not been transferred to a hospital (n = 64). Measurements and findings: data were collected from medical records available at the birth centre. Univariate and multivariate analyses were performed using logistic regression. The multivariate analysis included outcomes with p<0.25, specifically: smoking during pregnancy, prenatal care appointments, labour complications, weight in relation to gestational age, and one-minute Apgar score. Of the foregoing outcomes, those that remained in the full regression model as a risk factor associated with neonatal transfer were: smoking during pregnancy [p = 0.009, odds ratio (OR) = 4.1,95% confidence interval (CI) 1.03-16.33], labour complications (p<0.001, OR = 5.5, 95% CI 1.06-28.26) and one-minute Apgar score <= 7 (p<0.001, OR = 7.8,95% CI 1.62-37.03). Key conclusions and implications for practice: smoking during pregnancy, labour complications and one-minute Apgar score <= 7 were confirmed as risk factors for neonatal transfer from the birth centre to a hospital. The identified risk factors can help to improve institutional protocols and formulate hypotheses for other studies. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The study on the thermal performance of the air-conditioned buildings of the new research centre of the Brazilian Petroleum Company, in the tropical climate of Rio de Janeiro, was part of a bigger research and consultancy, project involving environmental issues. The architectural design was the subject of a national competition in 2004, encompassing over 100,000 m(2). According to the design brief, out of the 10 buildings of the new research centre, 7 have to be either completely or partially air-conditioned, due to specific occupation requirements. The challenge for better thermal performance was related to systems` energy efficiency, to the introduction of natural ventilation and to the notion of adaptive comfort, which were verified with the support of thermal dynamic simulations. At the early stages of the assessments, the potential for natural ventilation in the working spaces considering the mixed-mode strategy achieved 30% of occupation hours. However, the development of the design project led to fully air-conditioned working spaces, due to users` references regarding the conventional culture of the office environment. Nevertheless, the overall architectural approach in accordance to the climatic conditions still showed a contribution to the buildings` energy efficiency. (C) 2008 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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View to service centre during Expo 1988.