Bin Laden in the Suburbs: Criminalising the Arab Other

This book examines public worrying over 'ethnic crime' and what it tells us about Australia today. How, for instance, can the blame for a series of brutal group sexual assaults in Sydney be so widely attributed to whole ethnic communities? How is it that the arrival of a foundering boatload of asylum-seekers mostly seeking refuge from despotic regimes in 'the Middle East' can be manipulated to characterise complete cohorts of applicants for refuge 'and their immigrant compatriots' as dangerous, dishonest, criminally inclined and inhuman? How did the airborne terror attacks on the USA on 11 September 2001 exacerbate existing tendencies in Australia to stereotype Arabs and Muslims as backward, inassimilable, without respect for Western laws and values, and complicit with barbarism and terrorism? Bin Laden in the Suburbs argues that we are witnessing the emergence of the 'Arab Other' as the pre-eminent 'folk devil' of our time. This Arab Other functions in the national imaginary to prop up the project of national belonging. It has little to do with the lived experiences of Arab, Middle Eastern or Muslim Australians, and everything to do with a host of social anxieties which overlap in a series of moral panics. Bin Laden in the Suburbs analyses a decisive moment in the history of multiculturalism in Australia. 'Unlike most migrants, the Arab migrant is a subversive will ... They invade our shores, take over our neighbourhood and rape our women. They are all little bin Ladens and they are everywhere: Explicit bin Ladens and closet bin Ladens; Conscious bin Ladens and unconscious bin Ladens; bin Ladens on the beach and bin Ladens in the suburbs, as this book is aptly titled. Within this register ... even a single Arab is a threat. Contain the Arab or exterminate the Arab? A 'tolerable' presence in the suburbs, or caged in a concentration camp? ... The politics of the Western post-colonial state is constantly and dangerously oscillating between these tendencies today. It is this dangerous oscillation that is so lucidly exposed in this book'.

Exploring the re-criminalising of OHS breaches in the context of industrial death

Since the 1980s the calls for further criminalisation of organisational conduct causing harm to workers, the public and the environment have intensified in Australia, Canada and England and Wales.' One focal point of this movement has been the criminal law's response to organisations (and their personnel) failing to comply with occupational health and safety ('OHS') standards, particularly when physical harm (death and serious injury) has resulted from those breaches. Some governments have responded with proposals to enable manslaughter prosecutions to be initiated 'more effectively' against organisations causing the deaths of workers or, in some cases, members of the public (Archibald et al, 2004; Haines and Hall, 2004; Hall et al, 2004; Tombs and Whyte, 2003). In Australia governments have also increased monetary penalties for regulatory OHS offences, a few have introduced other contemporary organisational sanctions, and some have initiated OHS prosecutions more vigorously and with larger fines.

Criminalising the payment for sex in northern ireland; sketching the contours of a moral panic

This paper examines recent legislative developments in Northern Ireland around Lord Morrow’s Human Trafficking & Exploitation (Further Provisions and Support for Victims) Bill that was passed unanimously in the Northern Ireland Assembly and which uniquely in the United Kingdom now makes it a criminal offence to pay for sexual services. I suggest that issues around sex trafficking, sexual slavery and prostitution in Northern Ireland bear all the hallmarks of Stan Cohen’s famous articulation of a moral panic (Cohen 1972) but also argue that his original for- mulation needs to be recast slightly to take account of the horizontal structuring of moral panics in contemporary society.

Criminalising economic and emotional abuse and intimidation: the Tasmanian experience

In 2004 the parliament of Tasmania enacted two new offences in the context of family violence; the first was intended to prohibit economic abuse, and the second sought to prohibit emotional abuse or intimidation. The introduction of these novel provisions constituted a movement away from conceptions of family violence that rely solely upon physical acts and, instead, treated the infliction of psychological harm as a core feature of family violence. The offences have, however, only rarely been prosecuted. This article analyses the offences, identifying difficulties in their construction and exploring the reasons why they have had such little impact. Despite the rarity of prosecutions, the new offences are significant, for they challenge traditional conceptions of the criminal law that rely on the criminalisation of causing, or threatening, physical harm. Consequently, and in the context of recent legislation in England and Wales criminalising controlling or coercive behaviour, a review of the offences that have been operating in Tasmania for more than a decade is timely.

Criminalising controlling and coercive behaviour: the next step in the prosecution of family violence?

A new offence of controlling or coercive behaviour in intimate or family relationships has recently come into force in England. The parliament of Scotland is contemplating introducing a related offence. The offence is distinctive because it criminalises conduct – controlling and coercive behaviour – which has specified negative behavioural and psychological consequences without necessarily requiring that a victim sustain physical injury or fear death or serious harm. This significant extension of the criminal law supplements anti-stalking legislation and has been justified on the basis that it addresses a core feature of abusive relationships, is essential to protect the human rights of victims of domestic abuse, and has community support. In the context of the ongoing debate about how best to tackle the problem of domestic abuse in Australia, this development provides an innovative – albeit still untested – model and should be closely examined.

Governing drug use among young people : crime, harm and contemporary drug use practices

Taking an empirical, critical approach to the problem of drugs, this thesis explores the interaction of drug policies and young people's drug use in Brisbane. The research argues that criminalising drug users does not usually prevent harmful drug use, but it can exacerbate harm and change how young people use drugs. Contemporary understandings of drug use as either recreational or addictive can create a false binary, and influence how illicit drugs are used. These understandings interact with policy responses to the drug problem, with some very real implications for the lived experiences of drug users. This research opens up possibilities for new directions in drug research and allows for a redefinition of drug related harm.

Collective action and individual choice: rethinking how we regulate narcotics and antibiotics.

Governments across the globe have squandered treasure and imprisoned millions of their own citizens by criminalising the use and sale of recreational drugs. But use of these drugs has remained relatively constant, and the primary victims are the users themselves. Meanwhile, antimicrobial drugs that once had the power to cure infections are losing their ability to do so, compromising the health of people around the world. The thesis of this essay is that policymakers should stop wasting resources trying to fight an unwinnable and morally dubious war against recreational drug users, and start shifting their attention to the serious threat posed by our collective misuse of antibiotics.