People and their past : is 'community archaeology’ the future?

This thesis looks at how ‘community archaeology’ ideals may influence an inclusive approach to Indigenous heritage management, ensuring Indigenous community power over processes to identify both past and present values of Country. Community archaeology was acclaimed by research archaeologists over a decade ago as a distinctive approach with its own set of practices to incorporate the local community’s perspectives of its past and current associations with place. A core feature of this approach in Australia is the major role the Indigenous community has in decisions about its heritage. Concurrently, considerable concern was being expressed that Indigenous heritage was not sufficiently addressed in environmental impact assessment processes ahead of development. Seen as absent from the process was the inclusion of Indigenous knowledge about both the pre- and post-contact story as well as any scientific advance in understanding an area’s Indigenous history. This research examines these contrasting perspectives seeking to understand the ideals of community archaeology and its potential to value all aspects of Indigenous heritage and so benefit the relevant community. The ideals of community archaeology build on past community collaborations in Australia and also respond to more recent societal recognition of Indigenous rights, reflected in more ethically inclusive planning and heritage statutes. Indigenous communities expressed the view that current systems are still not meeting these policy commitments to give them control over their heritage. This research has examined the on-the-ground reality of heritage work on the outskirts of Canberra and Melbourne. The case studies compare Victorian and ACT heritage management processes across community partnerships with public land managers, and examine how pre-development surveys operate. I conclude that considerable potential for achieving community archaeology ideals exists, and that they are occasionally partially realised, however barriers continue. In essence, the archaeological model persists despite a community archaeology approach requiring a wider set of skills to ensure a comprehensive engagement with an Indigenous community. Other obstacles in the current Indigenous heritage management system include a lack of knowledge and communication about national standards for heritage processes in government agencies and heritage consultants; the administrative framework that can result in inertia or silos between relevant agencies; and funding timeframes that limit possibilities for long-term strategic programs for early identification and management planning for Indigenous heritage. Also, Indigenous communities have varying levels of authority to speak for how their heritage should be managed, yet may not have the resources to do so. This thesis suggests ways to breach these barriers to achieve more inclusive Indigenous heritage management based on community archaeology principles. Policies for a greater acknowledgement of the Indigenous community’s authority to speak for Country; processes that enable and early and comprehensive ‘mapping’ of Country, and long-term resourcing of communities, may have been promised before. In this research I suggest ways to realise such goals.

Scales and voices in World Historical Archaeology

This paper briefly sets the scene for the articles that follow, introducing some key debates that have characterized the recent practice of historical archaeology. The definition of historical archaeology is explored according to parameters of chronology and methodology, drawing a distinction between New World traditions that define the subject as 'post-Columbian' and Old World approaches that establish broader connections with the 'documentary archaeology' of all literate societies. Current issues in European and American historical archaeology are highlighted, including the gradual breakdown of the medieval/post-medieval divide and the call for a global 'modern-world archaeology' to address the 'grand historical narratives' of the period, such as capitalism, economic improvement, and consumerism. The resistance to this global research agenda is explored with reference to archaeologies of diaspora and postcolonialism, which demand local perspectives to explore diversity and meaning. Finally, the innovative use of community archaeology and multi-vocality is introduced, with particular reference to the experimental narratives pursued by American historical archaeologists, in their new role as 'storytellers'.

Introduction: scales and voices in world historical archaeology

This paper briefly sets the scene for the articles that follow, introducing some key debates that have characterized the recent practice of historical archaeology. The definition of historical archaeology is explored according to parameters of chronology and methodology, drawing a distinction between New World traditions that define the subject as 'post-Columbian' and Old World approaches that establish broader connections with the 'documentary archaeology' of all literate societies. Current issues in European and American historical archaeology are highlighted, including the gradual breakdown of the medieval/post-medieval divide and the call for a global 'modern-world archaeology' to address the 'grand historical narratives' of the period, such as capitalism, economic improvement, and consumerism. The resistance to this global research agenda is explored with reference to archaeologies of diaspora and postcolonialism, which demand local perspectives to explore diversity and meaning. Finally, the innovative use of community archaeology and multi-vocality is introduced, with particular reference to the experimental narratives pursued by American historical archaeologists, in their new role as 'storytellers'.

These things are alive: relationships between material culture, communities, and archaeological legislation

This paper deals with the relationship between different sets of archaeological legislation, material culture and communities. First it presents a historical sketch of the heritage legislation in the West and its contemporary uses. Secondly, it shows how alternative archaeological agencies, such as community archaeology, deal with these problems. The discussion is especially relevant in Brazil, where contract archaeology is presently overwhelming, and the issue is raised in the last part of the paper.

Prehistoric burnt mound archaeology in Ireland

It is apparent from the widespread distribution of burnt mounds that Ireland was the most prolific user of pyrolithic technology in Bronze Age Europe. Even though burnt mounds are the most common prehistoric site type in Ireland, they have not received the same level of research as other prehistoric sites. This is primarily due to the paucity of artefact finds and the unspectacular nature of the archaeological remains, compounded by the absence of an appropriate research framework. Due to the widespread use of the technology and the various applications of hot water, narratives related to these sites have revolved around discussions of age and function. This has resulted in a generalised classification, where the term ‘fulacht fia’ covers several site types that have similar features but differing functions and age. The study presents a re-evaluation of fulachtaí fia in light of some 1000 sites excavated in Ireland. This is the most comprehensive study undertaken on the use of pyrolithic technology in prehistoric Ireland, dealing with different aspects of site function, chronology, social role and cultural context. A number of key areas have been identified in relation to our understanding of these sites. Previous investigations of burnt mounds have provided little information on the temporality of individual sites. It has been established that appropriate sampling strategies can provide important information about the formation of individual sites, their relationships to each other and to other monuments in the same cultural landscape. The evidence suggests that considerable caution should be exercised with regard to certain single radiometric dates from burnt stone deposits, based on the degree of certainty of the dated sample and its association with pyrolithic activity. Previously regarded as Bronze Age in date, there are now numerous examples of pyrolithic-type processes in earlier contexts, with the origins of the water-boiling phenomenon now considered to be Early Neolithic. A review of recent excavation evidence provides new insights into the use of pyrolithic technology for cooking. This is based on the discovery of faunal remains at several sites, combined with insights gained through experimental studies. The model proposed here is of open-air communal feasting and food sharing hosted by small family groups, as a medium for social bonding and the construction of community. It is also argued that if cooking was the primary activity taken place at these sites, this should not be viewed as a mundane functional activity, but rather one that actively contributed to the constitution of social relations. The formality of the technology is also supported by the presence of possible specialised structures, some of which were used for cooking/feasting while others were for ritualised sweat-bathing. The duration and frequency of activities associated with burnt mounds and the opportunities they provided for social interaction suggest that these sites contributed some familiar frames of reference to contemporary discourse.

From the past to the Future: integrating archaeology and conflict resolution in Northern Ireland

Contested understandings about the past continue to reify the divided character of post-Troubles Northern Ireland. In particular, the unresolved legacies of the extension of English control over Ireland in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries through warfare and plantation continue to structure daily lives in the province. Yet the archaeological record of this period complicates the accepted dichotomous narratives through highlighting complexity. These nuances, however, have been lost in recent decades as an overly simplistic model of colonizer versus colonized has emerged as the dominant political paradigm. The management and presentation of sites associated with the process of plantation can arguably create the space necessary to bridge the divide, and to challenge accepted understandings. Cross-community engagement in the process of archaeological discovery and interpretation on plantation-period sites in Northern Ireland highlights the critical role archaeology can play in peace and reconciliation in post-conflict societies.

A cold blizzard was raging, but the light shone brightly' : social networks presented in stained glass within an industrial community

Historical stained glass in Calumet and Laurium revealed the complex structures of these industrial communities. Creating an Industrial Archaeology-focused approach, I examined stained glass as material culture. Sacred glass revealed ethnic and religious values of a congregation through the style, iconography, and quality of the glasswork. Residential glass showed how owners represented themselves within cultural settings by meeting social expectations. Commercial glass indicated community status of owners through discreet and artistic shows of wealth and taste. Corporate glass displayed prosperity and belonging through the superior quality and cost of the glasswork. Viewing stained glass as material culture opened new methods of looking at both stained glass and industrial communities. Findings from my research can teach the public about the importance of preserving and conserving stained glass, and that can lead to greater public appreciation for the material culture found within these industrial communities.

The Foundations of the Artists’ Community of Estes Park

"Estes Park lies in a beautiful location amongst the Rocky Mountains, sixty-five miles from Denver. Settlers came to the region in the second half of the nineteenth century. Among them in 1898 was artist R.H. Tallant who became a prominent landscape painter of the Rocky Mountains. Settling shortly after him was well-known painter Charles Partridge Adams. While Tallant and Adams founded the artists’ community, renowned artist Birger Sandzén and soon to be popular Dave Stirling were the mainstays pushing the artists’ community to new heights through the 1920s and 1930s. The establishment of a thriving artists’ community by Tallant, Adams, Sandzén and Stirling made Estes Park a recognizable place for attracting numerous artists throughout its history"

Symbol for a Community: The Dickens Opera House and Theaters of the American West

This paper reveals the importance of the Dickens Opera House to the local history of Longmont, Colorado. Through an exploration of pioneer history and of architectural patronage and audience accommodation, this paper illustrates how the Dickens Opera House participated in the construction of cultural identity and civic aspirations of the city of Longmont. Using the Tabor Opera House of Leadville and Wright Opera House of Ouray as framing examples to place the Dickens Opera House within its proper architectural and historical context, I approach the building’s inception, construction, and early years as a way to track the early civic identity of a community through a work of architecture. The Dickens Opera House provided a point for the citizens of Longmont to focus their hopes of success and respectability in a newly formed community. An opera house provided a high-class perception of a town that provided a projection of respectability. Such a construction was built from various sources – the architecture of the building, simply calling the building an ‘opera house’, furnishings in the latest fashions and equipment of the latest technology, and extravagant scenery and curtains. In addition to these outward projections, opera houses also provided a place for community events. It was the location in town that brought people together.

Geographic Visualization in Archaeology

Archaeologists are often considered frontrunners in employing spatial approaches within the social sciences and humanities, including geospatial technologies such as geographic information systems (GIS) that are now routinely used in archaeology. Since the late 1980s, GIS has mainly been used to support data collection and management as well as spatial analysis and modeling. While fruitful, these efforts have arguably neglected the potential contribution of advanced visualization methods to the generation of broader archaeological knowledge. This paper reviews the use of GIS in archaeology from a geographic visualization (geovisual) perspective and examines how these methods can broaden the scope of archaeological research in an era of more user-friendly cyber-infrastructures. Like most computational databases, GIS do not easily support temporal data. This limitation is particularly problematic in archaeology because processes and events are best understood in space and time. To deal with such shortcomings in existing tools, archaeologists often end up having to reduce the diversity and complexity of archaeological phenomena. Recent developments in geographic visualization begin to address some of these issues, and are pertinent in the globalized world as archaeologists amass vast new bodies of geo-referenced information and work towards integrating them with traditional archaeological data. Greater effort in developing geovisualization and geovisual analytics appropriate for archaeological data can create opportunities to visualize, navigate and assess different sources of information within the larger archaeological community, thus enhancing possibilities for collaborative research and new forms of critical inquiry.

The Bennachie Colony : A Nineteenth-Century Informal Community in Northeast Scotland

Acknowledgments The investigation of the Bennachie Colony is part of a broader initiative called the Bennachie Landscape Project, a collaborative endeavour between the Bailies of Bennachie and the University of Aberdeen. To date, funding for the project has been generously provided by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) in the form of a Connected Communities Grant (G. Noble PI) and more recently through a larger Development Grant (J. Oliver PI). The research that this paper is based on could not have been undertaken without the generous assistance of a large number of volunteers, university students and staff members. While it would be impossible to name everyone who has contributed, we would like to acknowledge the regular members of the “landscape group” whose infective enthusiasm for the project has provided a stimulating environment for learning and co-production. Particular thanks go to Jackie Cumberbirch, Barry Foster, Chris Foster, Angela Groat, David Irving, Alison Kennedy, Harry Leal, Ken Ledingham, Colin Miller, Iain Ralston, Colin Shepherd, Sue Taylor and Andrew Wainwright. Further assistance with fieldwork was provided by Ágústa Edwald, Patrycia Kupiec, Barbora Wouters, Óskar Sveinbjarnarson, members of Northlight Heritage and several cohorts worth of University of Aberdeen undergraduate and graduate students. We are indebted to the RCAHMS for assistance with plane table survey and to Óskar Sveinbjarnarson for help with mapping. Others have supported additional aspects of the Bennachie Landscape project or have provided specialist advice. Thanks go to Neil Curtis, Liz Curtis, Rowan Ellis, Marjory Harper, Siobhan Convery and the University of Aberdeen Special Collections staff. Access to undertake fieldwork was graciously provided by the Forestry Commission Scotland. Helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper were provided by Barry and Chris Foster, Ken Ledingham, Collin Miller, Collin Shepherd, Sue Taylor, Andrew Wainwright and two anonymous reviewers.

The Bennachie Colony : A Nineteenth-Century Informal Community in Northeast Scotland

Acknowledgments The investigation of the Bennachie Colony is part of a broader initiative called the Bennachie Landscape Project, a collaborative endeavour between the Bailies of Bennachie and the University of Aberdeen. To date, funding for the project has been generously provided by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) in the form of a Connected Communities Grant (G. Noble PI) and more recently through a larger Development Grant (J. Oliver PI). The research that this paper is based on could not have been undertaken without the generous assistance of a large number of volunteers, university students and staff members. While it would be impossible to name everyone who has contributed, we would like to acknowledge the regular members of the “landscape group” whose infective enthusiasm for the project has provided a stimulating environment for learning and co-production. Particular thanks go to Jackie Cumberbirch, Barry Foster, Chris Foster, Angela Groat, David Irving, Alison Kennedy, Harry Leal, Ken Ledingham, Colin Miller, Iain Ralston, Colin Shepherd, Sue Taylor and Andrew Wainwright. Further assistance with fieldwork was provided by Ágústa Edwald, Patrycia Kupiec, Barbora Wouters, Óskar Sveinbjarnarson, members of Northlight Heritage and several cohorts worth of University of Aberdeen undergraduate and graduate students. We are indebted to the RCAHMS for assistance with plane table survey and to Óskar Sveinbjarnarson for help with mapping. Others have supported additional aspects of the Bennachie Landscape project or have provided specialist advice. Thanks go to Neil Curtis, Liz Curtis, Rowan Ellis, Marjory Harper, Siobhan Convery and the University of Aberdeen Special Collections staff. Access to undertake fieldwork was graciously provided by the Forestry Commission Scotland. Helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper were provided by Barry and Chris Foster, Ken Ledingham, Collin Miller, Collin Shepherd, Sue Taylor, Andrew Wainwright and two anonymous reviewers.