923 resultados para colonial conquest


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Purpose Drawing on multimodal texts produced by an Indigenous school community in Australia, we apply critical race theory and multimodal analysis to decolonize digital heritage practices for Indigenous students. This study focuses on the particular ways in which students’ counter-­‐narratives about race were embedded in multimodal and digital design in the development of a digital cultural heritage (Giaccardi, 2012). Pedagogies that explore counter-­‐narratives of cultural heritage in the official curriculum can encourage students to reframe their own racial identity, while challenging dominant white, historical narratives of colonial conquest, race, and power (Gutierrez, 2008). The children’s digital “Gami” videos, created with the iPad application, Tellagami, enabled the students to imagine hybrid, digital social identities and perspectives of Australian history that were tied to their Indigenous cultural heritage (Kamberelis, 2001).

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Drawing on multimodal texts produced by an Indigenous school community in Australia, I apply critical race theory and multimodal analysis (Jewitt, 2011) to decolonise digital heritage practices for Indigenous students. This study focuses on the particular ways in which students’ counter-narratives about race were embedded in multimodal and digital design in the development of a digital cultural heritage (Giaccardi, 2012). Data analysis involved applying multimodal analysis to the students’ Gamis, following social semiotic categories and principles theorised by Kress and Bezemer (2008), and Jewitt (2006, 2011). This includes attending to the following semiotic elements: visual design, movement and gesture, gaze, and recorded speech, and their interrelationships. The analysis also draws on critical race theory to interpret the students’ representations of race. In particular, the multimodal texts were analysed as a site for students’ views of Indigenous oppression in relation to the colonial powers and ownership of the land in Australian history (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Pedagogies that explore counter-narratives of cultural heritage in the official curriculum can encourage students to reframe their own racial identity, while challenging dominant white, historical narratives of colonial conquest, race, and power (Gutierrez, 2008). The children’s multimodal “Gami” videos, created with the iPad application, Tellagami, enabled the students to imagine hybrid, digital social identities and perspectives of Australian history that were tied to their Indigenous cultural heritage (Kamberelis, 2001).

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The study on which this presentation is based focuses on the particular ways in which students’ counter-narratives about race were embedded in multimodal and digital design in the development of a digital cultural heritage. The multimodal texts were analysed as a site for students’ views of Indigenous oppression in relation to the colonial powers and ownership of the land in Australian history. In this presentation, Kathy will demonstrate how pedagogies that explore counter-narratives of cultural heritage in the official curriculum can encourage students to reframe their own racial identity, while challenging dominant white, historical narratives of colonial conquest, race, and power. In the second part of this session, Indigenous Principal, John Davis and teachers from HymbaYumba Community Hub will provide a school-based, Indigenous panel to inspire educators with authentic ways to embed Indigenous knowledge in the curriculum.

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Empire is central to U.S. history. When we see the U.S. projecting its influence on a global scale in today s world it is important to understand that U.S. empire has a long history. This dissertation offers a case study of colonialism and U.S. empire by discussing the social worlds, labor regimes, and culture of the U.S. Army during the conquest of southern Arizona and New Mexico (1866-1886). It highlights some of the defining principles, mentalities, and characteristics of U.S. imperialism and shows how U.S. forces have in years past constructed their power and represented themselves, their missions, and the places and peoples that faced U.S. imperialism/colonialism. Using insights from postcolonial studies and whiteness studies, this work balances its attention between discursive representations (army stories) and social experience (army actions), pays attention to silences in the process of historical production, and focuses on collective group mentalities and identities. In the end the army experience reveals an empire in denial constructed on the rule of difference and marked by frustration. White officers, their wives, and the white enlisted men not only wanted the monopoly of violence for the U.S. regime but also colonial (mental/cultural) authority and power, and constructed their identity, authority, and power in discourse and in the social contexts of the everyday through difference. Engaged in warfare against the Apaches, they did not recognize their actions as harmful or acknowledge the U.S. invasion as the bloody colonial conquest it was. White army personnel painted themselves and the army as liberators, represented colonial peoples as racial inferiors, approached colonial terrain in terms of struggle, and claimed that the region was a terrible periphery with little value before the arrival of white civilization. Officers and wives also wanted to place themselves at the top of colonial hierarchies as the refined and respectable class who led the regeneration of the colony by example: they tried to turn army villages into islands of civilization and made journeys, leisure, and domestic life to showcase their class sensibilities and level of sophistication. Often, however, their efforts failed, resulting in frustration and bitterness. Many blamed the colony and its peoples for their failures. The army itself was divided by race and class. All soldiers were treated as laborers unfit for self-government. White enlisted men, frustrated by their failures in colonial warfare and by constant manual labor, constructed worlds of resistance, whereas indigenous soldiers sought to negotiate the effects of colonialism by working in the army. As colonized labor their position was defined by tension between integration and exclusion and between freedom and colonial control.

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Las crónicas de la conquista de México ponen en escena una peculiar tensión entre experiencia y saber como formas de acreditación del relato acerca del pasado. En estas polémicas, la apelación a la memoria (propia y de los antepasados) se convierte en un tópico, enunciado primero por el cronista y retomado, siglos después, por el analista. Aquí, se trata de poner en escena algunos de los usos de la memoria en crónicas de tradición mestiza, para responder a la pregunta acerca de la configuración textual del argumento memorialista. Así, al interrogar estas crónicas a partir del funcionamiento de la memoria, volvemos a asistir al cruce de concepciones y cosmovisiones: a las nociones de "memorial", "recuerdo" y "monumento" en la tradición occidental debemos sumarle las acepciones del término "memoria" en el mundo nahua. A analizar brevemente estas modulaciones dedicaremos estas páginas

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Las crónicas de la conquista de México ponen en escena una peculiar tensión entre experiencia y saber como formas de acreditación del relato acerca del pasado. En estas polémicas, la apelación a la memoria (propia y de los antepasados) se convierte en un tópico, enunciado primero por el cronista y retomado, siglos después, por el analista. Aquí, se trata de poner en escena algunos de los usos de la memoria en crónicas de tradición mestiza, para responder a la pregunta acerca de la configuración textual del argumento memorialista. Así, al interrogar estas crónicas a partir del funcionamiento de la memoria, volvemos a asistir al cruce de concepciones y cosmovisiones: a las nociones de "memorial", "recuerdo" y "monumento" en la tradición occidental debemos sumarle las acepciones del término "memoria" en el mundo nahua. A analizar brevemente estas modulaciones dedicaremos estas páginas

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Las crónicas de la conquista de México ponen en escena una peculiar tensión entre experiencia y saber como formas de acreditación del relato acerca del pasado. En estas polémicas, la apelación a la memoria (propia y de los antepasados) se convierte en un tópico, enunciado primero por el cronista y retomado, siglos después, por el analista. Aquí, se trata de poner en escena algunos de los usos de la memoria en crónicas de tradición mestiza, para responder a la pregunta acerca de la configuración textual del argumento memorialista. Así, al interrogar estas crónicas a partir del funcionamiento de la memoria, volvemos a asistir al cruce de concepciones y cosmovisiones: a las nociones de "memorial", "recuerdo" y "monumento" en la tradición occidental debemos sumarle las acepciones del término "memoria" en el mundo nahua. A analizar brevemente estas modulaciones dedicaremos estas páginas

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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

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Includes index.

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As câmaras municipais constituíram-se em um dos mais notáveis mecanismos de manutenção do vasto império ultramarino português. Originavam-se dos antigos conselhos medievais, aglutinavam os interesses das elites coloniais ao serem compostas pelos homens bons da colônia, detinham considerável poder sobre a sociedade local além de terem a liberdade de representar ao rei de Portugal seus anseios ou dificuldades. Paralelo, ao poder do senado da câmara municipal, encontravam-se as autoridades nomeadas pelo rei de Portugal: governadores coloniais. Este compartilhamento do poder na colônia gerava, muitas vezes, conflitos entre a câmara municipal e os funcionários régios. No Rio de Janeiro, setecentista, vários fatores internos e externos à colônia deterioraram as relações entre os governadores coloniais e os membros do senado.Tal situação agrava-se com as incursões corsárias francesas de 1710 e 1711 que demonstraram a fragilidade do império português que há muito deixara de ter um poder naval significativo, perdendo espaços para potências como a França, Inglaterra e Holanda. Incapaz de conter os inimigos no vasto oceano, desprovido de meios navais capazes de patrulhar os litorais de suas colônias na África, Ásia e América, em especial o do Brasil, o império português dependia cada vez mais dos recursos humanos de suas colônias para a manutenção do seu território ultramarino. A corte portuguesa sofreu duro impacto com a conquista da cidade do Rio de Janeiro por Duguay-Trouin e, ao longo dos próximos anos, procurou fortalecer o sistema defensivo de sua colônia com o envio de tropas e navios além da construção de novas fortalezas e o reaparelhamento do sistema defensivo já existente.Todo este esforço para a guerra era bancado, em sua maior parte, com recursos da própria colônia do Rio de Janeiro. Obviamente este ônus não agradava a incipiente elite mercantil que florescia na colônia resultando no fato de que a política de enclausurar o Rio de Janeiro entre muralhas e fortificações, ás custas da economia colonial, colocou em campos opostos os funcionários do rei e os membros do senado por várias vezes nas primeiras décadas do século XVIII. Surgiram inevitáveis conflitos pelo uso e posse do território urbano do Rio de Janeiro cada vez mais pontilhado por fortalezas, sulcado por extensas valas e trincheiras a impedir-lhe o crescimento urbano. Além do conflito territorial, em função da expansão da atividade mercantil desenvolvida pelos colonos, as disputas comerciais envolveram as elites locais, ávidas por lucros e impulsionadas ao comércio devido à descoberta do ouro na região das Minas, e as autoridades e comerciantes lusos, uns querendo controlar a atividade comercial que crescia em acelerado ritmo, outros querendo lucrar e disputar espaços com as elites coloniais locais. No meio destes embates encontrava-se a Câmara Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, objetivo maior desta pesquisa, a defender os interesses das elites da colônia, pois delas era representante. Era uma disputa em que, muitas vezes, seus membros pagaram com a perda da liberdade e dos seus bens frente a governadores coloniais mais intolerantes

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El autor analiza la perspectiva de Pareja sobre los problemas y logros del país hasta los años cincuenta, argumenta que es la de un republicano laico, socialista, modernizador y guayaquileño. Algunas valoraciones de Pareja se inscriben en el contexto de la inexistencia de un campo de saber historiográfico constituido en el Ecuador de esos años. Su perspectiva de la conquista tiene elementos de una visión hispanista del devenir histórico, que quiere reconciliarse con la búsqueda de una modernidad no alcanzada y afanosamente deseada. Respecto de la independencia, la libertad no se consagró en 1822, sino recién en 1895, con la Revolución liberal, que llevaría a la modernización del Estado, en ella jugaría un rol central el mestizo como actor colectivo. Finalmente, Pareja atribuye al mestizaje la posibilidad de incorporación del país a la dinámica civilizadora, de puesta al día con los valores de la democracia y el progreso.

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The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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The process of territorial formation in Brazil is examined in this paper in order to establish, through a study that favors more interior region of Portuguese America, a suitable analytical arsenal geohistorica an interpretation of the built legacy of colonial Lusitanian action on American soil. Thus, it is expected to recover some aspects not yet addressed conclusively by the specialized literature, the importance of colonial territorial nexus in the construction and maintenance of the substrate material on which the new politically independent state would claim jurisdiction after 1822. Through the examination of so-called western border, articulated through the contacts held between the cities network of Goias and the strong, prisons, villages and towns planned in Mato Grosso, outline an interpretation of regional dynamics in the moments preceding the running of the Brazilian political emancipation.