928 resultados para cash farm lease


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"Issued June 1961."

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Vol. 2 has title "Cash farm lease: form."

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The kind of rental arrangements for cropland vary widely in each locality and from one geographic area to another. What is desirable for one particular landlord/tenant relationship is not acceptable for others. The purpose of this publication is to help tenants and landlords develop fair cash-rent arrangements and assist them in making sound decisions based on a fair evaluation of resources. The first section addresses whether a fixed cash-rent lease arrangement should be used. Part II discusses how to develop a fair fixed cash rental rate, while Part III provides information on setting rent for other cropland, pasture, and buildings. Part IV outlines the advantages and disadvantages of flexible cash-leasing arrangements. Part V discusses the importance of developing a written lease agreement. A sample lease form also is included.

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This report summarizes the financial and production records of 139 dairy farms from throughout Michigan in 2006. To be included, the farms must have produced at least 50 percent of gross cash farm income from milk and dairy animal sales. The records came from Michigan State University’s TelFarm project and the Farm Credit Service system in Michigan. The values were pooled into averages for reporting purposes. The farms are larger than would be the average of all dairy farms in Michigan. While considerable variation in the data exists, average values are reported in the summary tables and discussion that follows.

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This extension circular is an income statement form that covers the following areas: Cash Farm Income (grain/hay sales, livestock sales, livestock product sales, government payments, custom work); Cash Farm Expenses (cash operating, breeding livestock purchases, gross cash farm expenses); Adjustment (inventory, machinery/equipment depreciation, fixed farm improvements depreciation, capital gain or loss on machinery/equipment, gross sales of machinery/equipment, real estate sold); and Non-Farm Income (operators's wage, wife's wage, interest/dividend income, gifts/inheritances, gain or loss on security, non-farm inventory change, net income on other farms owned and non-farm real estate).

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This article examines the effects of commercialisation of agriculture on land use and work patterns by means of a case study in the Nyeri district in Kenya. The study uses cross sectional data collected from small-scale farmers in this district. We find that good quality land is allocated to non-food cash crops, which may lead to a reduction in non-cash food crops and expose some households to greater risks of possible famine. Also the proportion of land allocated to food crops declines as the farm size increases while the proportion of land allocated to non-food cash crops rises as the size of farm increases. Cash crops are also not bringing in as much revenue commensurate with the amount of land allocated to them. With growing commercialisation, women still work more hours than men. They not only work on non-cash food crops but also on cash crops including non-food cash crops. Evidence indicates that women living with husbands work longer hours than those married but living alone, and also longer than the unmarried women. Married women seem to lose their decision-making ability with growth of commercialisation, as husbands make most decisions to do with cash crops. Furthermore husbands appropriate family cash income. Husbands are less likely to use such income for the welfare of the family compared to wives due to different expenditure patterns. Married women in Kenya also have little or no power to change the way land is allocated between food and non-food cash crops. Due to deteriorating terms of trade for non-food cash crops, men have started cultivation of food cash crops with the potential of crowding out women. It is found that both the area of non-cash crops tends to rise with farm size but also the proportion of the farm area cash cropped rises in Central Kenya.

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This article examines the effects of marital status, farm size and other factors on the extent of cash cropping (and allocation of land use) by means of a case study in the Nyeri district in Kenya. It was found that married women are involved in the production of a relatively greater amount of output of cash crops than unmarried women since husbands prefer to have more land under cash crops than food crops. Farmers with better quality land allocate a high proportion of it to non-food cash crops, which may expose some households to greater risks of possible famine. The proportion of land allocated to food crops declines as the farm size increases while the proportion of land allocated to non-food cash crops rises as the size of farm increases. Age is also inversely associated with subsistence. Education, though inversely associated with subsistence farming does not appear to be statistically very significant as an influence on the composition of land use and composition of farm output. With growing commercialisation, married women work more hours than unmarried ones, working not only on non-cash food crops but also on non-food cash crops. Married women seem to lose their decision-making ability with growth of agricultural commercialisation, as husbands make most decisions to do with cash crops. Married women in Kenya also have little or no power to change the way land is allocated between food and non-food cash crops.

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This study investigates the effect of cash cropping on food availability and examines the determinants of the proportion of income allocated for food expenditures in the Nyeri district in Kenya. Using a Tobit model, the results suggest that in general food expenditure allocations suffer due to cash cropping in Kenya as the lump-sum income flows from this may be used for purchases other than food. Food expenditure also suffers when remittances are irregular. On the other hand, earnings from outside employment for married women living with husbands are positively associated with food expenditure allocations. Amounts of non-cash food output as well as ownership of livestock are negatively associated with food expenditure allocations. These findings indicate that lump sum income may not lead to improved welfare of women and children. Thus, there may be social reasons for increasing non-cash food production especially by women, instead of over emphasizing cash cropping as now seems to be so in public policy.

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This article examines the effects of agricultural commercialization and other factors on per capita food availability by means of a case study in the Nyeri district in Kenya. It was found that cash cropping has a negative influence on per capita food availability in the male-headed households. This negative influence is not apparent in the female-headed households and in fact, per capita food availability rises with increased agricultural commercialization. Households of married women seem to suffer more in terms of reduced food availability than households headed by females. Husbands have control over cash income and therefore influence food purchases. They are less likely than females to use the cash for food purchases and tend to spend the cash on themselves, thus reducing food availability to family members. This suggests that in some patriarchal societies, caution should be displayed in encouraging cash cropping especially in male-headed households. Cash cropping under such circumstances is unwise from both a food availability and food security point of view because it can result in reduced crop diversification hence increasing the risks of income food deficits for families. Other factors found to have an influence on per capita food availability are employment of the women outside households, educational level of the women and the quality of land.

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News from Iowa’s Center for Agricultural Safety and Health (I-CASH)

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News from Iowa’s Center for Agricultural Safety and Health (I-CASH)

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News from Iowa’s Center for Agricultural Safety and Health (I-CASH)

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News from Iowa’s Center for Agricultural Safety and Health (I-CASH)