999 resultados para broadcast TV


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John Hartley discusses TV past, present and future and concludes that 'This brave new world does have a couple of dystopian elements. One is that no-one knows how to fund non-universal TV production. Another is that any future 'imagined community' will have to get used to the fact that most people aren't inside it.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Com o avanço da tecnologia e chegada da TV digital no Brasil, estudos apontam que a televisão aberta começa um novo estágio desde seu surgimento. Esta mídia disponibiliza ferramentas que permitem aos emissores de conteúdo uma dimensão interativa ainda não experimentada, sobretudo nos processos de comunicação massivos indicando que é possível novos caminhos de investimento na produção de conteúdo por parte das emissoras de TV. Com esta realidade de fundo, experiências começam a ser testadas no âmbito da televisão, como o StickerCenter, um software - desenvolvido pela TOTVS - que reúne elementos da internet na TV possibilitando ao receptor maior interação com o conteúdo televisivo, outra experiência é a realizada pela Rede Integração, afiliada à Rede Globo em Minas Gerais, com o software desenvolvido pela HXD Interactive Television, que testa um modelo brasileiro de interatividade no telejornal. Este trabalho mostra como estas duas empresas estão desenvolvendo aplicativos interativos para a TV utilizando o Middleware Ginga e os motivos pelos quais sua popularização não aconteceu. O StickerCenter não se popularizou e indica que o motivo seja erro de estratégia da empresa em desenvolver um produto que une broadband e broadcast TV sem atrativos ao consumidor, já o aplicativo interativo da Rede Integração não foi colocado no ar e apresenta inúmeros fatores que demonstram que não explorará a interatividade pela ausência de canal de retorno. Este estudo investigou o impacto da interatividade no mercado da radiodifusão e como a convergência tecnológica aponta para a construção de uma nova mídia baseada em displays interativos capazes de oferecer aos consumidores uma nova forma de recepção de conteúdo.

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The central cultural experience of modernity has been change, both the ‘creative destruction’ of existing structures, and the growth, often exponential, of new knowledge. During the twentieth century, the central cultural platform for the collective experience of modernising societies changed too, from page and stage to the screen – from publishing, the press and radio to cinema, television and latterly computer screens. Despite the successive dominance of new media, none has lasted long at the top. The pattern for each was to give way to a successor platform in popularity, but to continue as part of an increasingly crowded media menu. Modern media are supplemented not supplanted by their successors.

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John Hartley uses the TV show "Dead Like Me" to show how far TV has evolved from the broadcast era.

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The Reporting and Reception of Indigenous Issues in the Australian Media was a three year project financed by the Australian government through its Australian Research Council Large Grants Scheme and run by Professor John Hartley (of Murdoch and then Edith Cowan University, Western Australia). The purpose of the research was to map the ways in which indigeneity was constructed and circulated in Australia's mediasphere. The analysis of the 'reporting' element of the project was almost straightforward: a mixture of content analysis of a large number of items in the media, and detailed textual analysis of a smaller number of key texts. The discoveries were interesting - that when analysis approaches the media as a whole, rather than focussing exclusively on news or serious drama genres, then representation of indigeneity is not nearly as homogenous as has previously been assumed. And if researchers do not explicitly set out to uncover racism in every text, it is by no means guaranteed they will find it1. The question of how to approach the 'reception' of these issues - and particularly reception by indigenous Australians - proved to be a far more challenging one. In attempting to research this area, Hartley and I (working as a research assistant on the project) often found ourselves hampered by the axioms that underlie much media research. Traditionally, the 'reception' of media by indigenous people in Australia has been researched in ethnographic ways. This research repeatedly discovers that indigenous people in Australia are powerless in the face of new forms of media. Indigenous populations are represented as victims of aggressive and powerful intrusions: ‘What happens when a remote community is suddenly inundated by broadcast TV?’; ‘Overnight they will go from having no radio and television to being bombarded by three TV channels’; ‘The influence of film in an isolated, traditionally oriented Aboriginal community’2. This language of ‘influence’, ‘bombarded’, and ‘inundated’, presents metaphors not just of war but of a war being lost. It tells of an unequal struggle, of a more powerful force impinging upon a weaker one. What else could be the relationship of an Aboriginal audience to something which is ‘bombarding’ them? Or by which they are ‘inundated’? This attitude might best be summed up by the title of an article by Elihu Katz: ‘Can authentic cultures survive new media?’3. In such writing, there is little sense that what is being addressed might be seen as a series of discursive encounters, negotiations and acts of meaning-making in which indigenous people — communities and audiences —might be productive. Certainly, the points of concern in this type of writing are important. The question of what happens when a new communication medium is summarily introduced to a culture is certainly an important one. But the language used to describe this interaction is a misleading one. And it is noticeable that such writing is fascinated with the relationship of only traditionally-oriented Aboriginal communities to the media of mass communication.

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Starting from a local problem with finding an archival clip on YouTube, this paper expands to consider the nature of archives in general. It considers the technological, communicative and philosophical characteristics of archives over three historical periods: 1) Modern ‘essence archives’ – museums and galleries organised around the concept of objectivity and realism; 2) Postmodern mediation archives – broadcast TV systems, which I argue were also ‘essence archives,’ albeit a transitional form; and 3) Network or ‘probability archives’ – YouTube and the internet, which are organised around the concept of probability. The paper goes on to argue the case for introducing quantum uncertainty and other aspects of probability theory into the humanities, in order to understand the way knowledge is collected, conserved, curated and communicated in the era of the internet. It is illustrated throughout by reference to the original technological 'affordance' – the Olduvai stone chopping tool.

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IPTV is now offered by several operators in Europe, US and Asia using broadcast video over private IP networks that are isolated from Internet. IPTV services rely ontransmission of live (real-time) video and/or stored video. Video on Demand (VoD)and Time-shifted TV are implemented by IP unicast and Broadcast TV (BTV) and Near video on demand are implemented by IP multicast. IPTV services require QoS guarantees and can tolerate no more than 10-6 packet loss probability, 200 ms delay, and 50 ms jitter. Low delay is essential for satisfactory trick mode performance(pause, resume,fast forward) for VoD, and fast channel change time for BTV. Internet Traffic Engineering (TE) is defined in RFC 3272 and involves both capacity management and traffic management. Capacity management includes capacityplanning, routing control, and resource management. Traffic management includes (1)nodal traffic control functions such as traffic conditioning, queue management, scheduling, and (2) other functions that regulate traffic flow through the network orthat arbitrate access to network resources. An IPTV network architecture includes multiple networks (core network, metronetwork, access network and home network) that connects devices (super head-end, video hub office, video serving office, home gateway, set-top box). Each IP router in the core and metro networks implements some queueing and packet scheduling mechanism at the output link controller. Popular schedulers in IP networks include Priority Queueing (PQ), Class-Based Weighted Fair Queueing (CBWFQ), and Low Latency Queueing (LLQ) which combines PQ and CBWFQ.The thesis analyzes several Packet Scheduling algorithms that can optimize the tradeoff between system capacity and end user performance for the traffic classes. Before in the simulator FIFO,PQ,GPS queueing methods were implemented inside. This thesis aims to implement the LLQ scheduler inside the simulator and to evaluate the performance of these packet schedulers. The simulator is provided by ErnstNordström and Simulator was built in Visual C++ 2008 environmentand tested and analyzed in MatLab 7.0 under windows VISTA.

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The digital television system adopted by Brazil allows the signal reception of broadcast TV on mobile devices and laptops. This paper aims to analyze issues related to the transmission of free and open TV signals for reception in portable and mobile devices enabled by 1SEG system. We will evaluate the behavior of the user, tv schedule, prime time and experiences in Japan.

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his article is the result of an empirical research on the technology and market development resulting from the deployment of Digital TV in Brazil. Two aspects were selected to discuss the proposed question: the economic and political motivations that led to the digitization of broadcast TV in Brazil and the preliminary analysis of the effects on popularization of cyberculture in the Brazilian audiovisual scenario, changes can be observed in the production, dissemination and enjoyment of audiovisual content. For the development of the analysis the following theoretical and analytical tools were used: Theory Empirical Approach (Wolf, 1987), the Cultural Studies (Zallo, 1988; 1992), the digitalization media process (Lemos), the transition from television to cyberculture studies (Manovich, 2005) and (Fechine, 2013).

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In his 1987 book, The Media Lab: Inventing the Future at MIT, Stewart Brand provides an insight into the visions of the future of the media in the 1970s and 1980s. 1 He notes that Nicolas Negroponte made a compelling case for the foundation of a media laboratory at MIT with diagrams detailing the convergence of three sectors of the media—the broadcast and motion picture industry; the print and publishing industry; and the computer industry. Stewart Brand commented: ‘If Negroponte was right and communications technologies really are converging, you would look for signs that technological homogenisation was dissolving old boundaries out of existence, and you would expect an explosion of new media where those boundaries used to be’. Two decades later, technology developers, media analysts and lawyers have become excited about the latest phase of media convergence. In 2006, the faddish Time Magazine heralded the arrival of various Web 2.0 social networking services: You can learn more about how Americans live just by looking at the backgrounds of YouTube videos—those rumpled bedrooms and toy‐strewn basement rec rooms—than you could from 1,000 hours of network television. And we didn’t just watch, we also worked. Like crazy. We made Facebook profiles and Second Life avatars and reviewed books at Amazon and recorded podcasts. We blogged about our candidates losing and wrote songs about getting dumped. We camcordered bombing runs and built open‐source software. America loves its solitary geniuses—its Einsteins, its Edisons, its Jobses—but those lonely dreamers may have to learn to play with others. Car companies are running open design contests. Reuters is carrying blog postings alongside its regular news feed. Microsoft is working overtime to fend off user‐created Linux. We’re looking at an explosion of productivity and innovation, and it’s just getting started, as millions of minds that would otherwise have drowned in obscurity get backhauled into the global intellectual economy. The magazine announced that Time’s Person of the Year was ‘You’, the everyman and everywoman consumer ‘for seizing the reins of the global media, for founding and framing the new digital democracy, for working for nothing and beating the pros at their own game’. This review essay considers three recent books, which have explored the legal dimensions of new media. In contrast to the unbridled exuberance of Time Magazine, this series of legal works displays an anxious trepidation about the legal ramifications associated with the rise of social networking services. In his tour de force, The Future of Reputation: Gossip, Rumor, and Privacy on the Internet, Daniel Solove considers the implications of social networking services, such as Facebook and YouTube, for the legal protection of reputation under privacy law and defamation law. Andrew Kenyon’s edited collection, TV Futures: Digital Television Policy in Australia, explores the intersection between media law and copyright law in the regulation of digital television and Internet videos. In The Future of the Internet and How to Stop It, Jonathan Zittrain explores the impact of ‘generative’ technologies and ‘tethered applications’—considering everything from the Apple Mac and the iPhone to the One Laptop per Child programme.

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Analisa o debate político relativo à implantação da TV digital no Brasil, tendo como referência a audiência pública da Comissão de Ciência, Tecnologia, Comunicação e Informática da Câmara dos Deputados, realizada em 31 de janeiro de 2006, com a participação do ministro das Comunicações, Hélio Costa. Parte-se do pressuposto de que o Congresso Nacional exerceu relevante papel no debate relativo ao tema, mas não exerceu nenhuma influência na escolha do modelo de TV digital, rendendo-se à proposta do Executivo que, por sua vez, acatou o projeto de interesse dos empresários do setor. Constata-se que existem pelo menos três fantasmas que perseguem as empresas brasileiras de televisão: 1) a possibilidade de um novo marco regulatório para o setor de radiodifusão; 2) o aumento da concorrência; e 3) e a ameaça do fim do broadcast, o sistema de difusão de informações utilizado pelo rádio e pela televisão, em que há apenas um emissor e diversos receptores simultaneamente.

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Este estudo faz uma análise dos debates presidenciais na televisão como eventos persuasivos de campanha. O objetivo foi contribuir para a compreensão não só do papel dessa fonte de informação política no contexto brasileiro, mas discutir também de maneira sistemática os seus possíveis efeitos. Os debates na TV são uma variável comunicacional de curto prazo dos processos eleitorais. Eles oferecem estímulos comunicacionais que são disseminados no ambiente da campanha, seja por quem o assiste diretamente, seja por quem fica sabendo desses eventos e dos desempenhos dos candidatos através de outros dispositivos, como a imprensa e o Horário da Propaganda Gratuita Eleitoral (HPGE). Como apenas informação não basta para explicar mudanças de opinião, focamos o estudo em dois eixos principais. O primeiro deles na identificação e no mapeamento das estratégias persuasivas adotadas pelos candidatos, porque eles são instados a confrontar seus adversários, num evento ao vivo, e por meio do qual os eleitores podem avaliar não só o seu posicionamento político, como a maneira que se apresentam. Está presente, neste caso, um impacto sobre a atitude dos eleitores com relação aos competidores. Os principais resultados indicam haver um padrão no objetivo das mensagens, prevalecendo, no agregado, o ataque entre os candidatos da oposição, e a aclamação entre os candidatos da situação. O posicionamento do candidato, bem como o conteúdo político das mensagens apresentaram resultados significativos para um possível efeito sobre a atitude dos eleitores. No estudo, propomos ainda a análise dos enquadramentos adotados pelos competidores, cuja função é estabelecer um quadro de referência para a audiência. Esta variável, que procura levar em conta aspectos da comunicação verbal e nãoverbal, também apresentou resultados significativos. No segundo eixo analítico, tratamos dos efeitos agregados desses acontecimentos de campanha. Foram analisados os debates de 2002, quando prevalecia um clima de opinião favorável à oposição, e 2010, quando o clima é favorável à situação. Com relação ao impacto dos debates no ambiente informacional, os dados sugerem que, em 2002, a atuação de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), candidato da oposição, levou a uma ampliação da cobertura jornalística positiva sobre o candidato; enquanto houve um declínio dessa cobertura para José Serra (PSDB), candidato da situação. Em 2010, na cobertura da imprensa após os debates, tanto a candidata da situação, Dilma Rousseff (PT), quanto o da oposição, José Serra, apresentaram equilíbrio. O impacto no ambiente informacional da campanha foi acompanhado de um aumento da intenção de voto agregada para os candidatos que lideravam as pesquisas e que representavam a mudança em 2002, no caso Lula, ou a continuidade em 2010, no caso Dilma. Nas duas eleições, portanto, os debates na TV no Brasil indicaram ser eventos persuasivos importantes, apesar de terem um papel menos central como dispositivo de informação eleitoral e de não levarem à troca de posição entre os competidores nas pesquisas opinião. Mas eles contribuem, ao menos indiretamente, para consolidar e ampliar intenções de voto dos primeiros colocados a partir de uma percepção positiva disseminada sobre os seus desempenhos.